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S E Vv STATU I 



THE UNVEILING 



OF THK 



Seward Memorial Statue 



WITH THE ORA1 H >N BY 

HON. WILLIAM M. EVARTS, 

AND ADDRESSES BY 

HON. CYRENUS WHEELER, JR., 

CHAIRMAN COM. 

HON. THEODORE M. POMEROY, 
HON. MORTIMER V. AUSTIN, 

MAYOR. 
AT 

AUBURN, NEW YORK, 

NOVEMBER 15, 1888. 



AUBURN. NY. 

Kj^pp. Peck S^Tho^soN- Printers-- 
1S89. 






fe 3 1 



> oJ 



INTRODUCTORY. 



The Memorial Statue to William H. Seward, mode-led by Walter (i. 
Robinson, sculptor, of Auburn. X. Y., was unveiled at the Seward Park. 
in the City of Auburn, on Thursday, the 15th day of November, 1888. 

The statue is a gift to the city from several of its citizens and a few 

non-resident personal friends of Mr. Seward. A list of the names of 

the subscribers to the bind appears upon a subsequent page of this 

volume. 

The proceedings preliminary to the inauguration of the statue were 

in charge of a general committee consisting of the following named 

gentlemen : 

CYRENUS WHEELER, Jr., THEODORE M. POMEROY, 

NELSON BEARDSLEY, BENJAMIN 1). SNOW, 

HENRY A. MORGAN, THOMAS M.OSBORNE, 

JOHN N. KNAPP, WILLIAM P.ROBINSON, 

SERENO E. PAYNE. GEORGE UNDERWOOD, 

SAMUEL LAURIE, JAMES C. STOUT, 

ORLANDO LEWIS, CLINTON D. Mac DOUGALL, 

DAVID WADSWORTH, Jr., JOHN D.TELLER, 

GEORGE H. NYE. 



4 UNVEILING SERVICES. 

Hon. Cyrenus Wheeler, Jr., was made chairman of the general 
committee, Hon. Win P. Robinson, was made secretary thereof, and 
Horace T. Cook, Esq. was made treasurer of the kind to be raised and 
disbursed. 

Preliminary to the placing of the statue, Hon. Frederick W, Seward 
and Gen. William II. Seward tendered to the city a substantial addi- 
tion to the park, from the adjoining homestead lot ol the late Secretary 
Seward. The following is the correspondence relating thereto and the 
action ol the common council thereon : 

\.uburn, August 27th, 1888. 

The Honorable, the Common Council <>/ the City <<j Auburn : 

The undersigned, as a committee representing many citizens of Auburn, and 
neighbors and friends of the late William H. Seward, who have procured a bi 
statue of that distinguished statesman, and propose erecting the same in a suitable 

ion and presenting it to the city, respectfully request your honorable body to 
i.itr the park at the intersection of Smith and William streets, as the place for the 
erection of said statue, and to authorize this comm erect the same thereon. 

Herewith is transmitted a letter "A" from Gen. William 11. Seward, proposing, in 
behalf of lus brother, Hon. Frederick W.Seward and himself, to donate land for the 
enlargement of said park : and the undersigned respectfully request that the park so 
enlarged be designated as the "Seward Park." 

Samuel Lauiie, John D. Teller, James ('.Stout. S. E. Payne, David Wadsworth, 
Jr., Theodore M. Pomeroy, V Beardsley, C. Wheeler. Jr., J. X. Knapp, Henry A. 
ge 11. X>e, William P. Robinson, T. M. Osborne, G W. Allen. ('. 1 ». 
Mai Dougall, Orlando Lewis, George I nderwood, B. B. Snow 



SEWARD STATUE. 5 

.. A » 

Auburn, N. V., August 25th. 1888. 
To the Chairman of the Meeting of the Donors of the Seward Statue: 

Dear Sir: — In connection with the proposed erection of a bronze statue of the 
late William H. Seward, by his neighbors and friends, to be placed in Seward Park, it 
is the desire of Mr. Frederick W. Seward and myself, now the only surviving members 
of his immediate family, to present, under proper restrictions, limiting its use for park 
purposes to the city of Auburn, a plat of land to be taken from the south end of the 
grounds surrounding the family residence and adjoining the park. 

This plat is about 127 feet on the park line, 151 feet on the north line, 40 feet on 
South street, and 42 feet on William street. This will increase the area of the present 
park nearly one-half. I make mention of this now to the end that your committee, in 
selecting the location for the statue, may take into consideration the proposed enlarge- 
ment of the park. This ground includes the small arbor where Mr. Seward, for more 
than forty years, passed much of his time, during the summer months. In this retired 
spot, he worked during his early years upon many of his most important law cases, 
and later on prepared many of his orations and political addresses. Here, during his 
declining years, he performed some of his literary work and wrote of his travels. 
Here it was that he delighted to receive his neighbors and friends, and with them 
discuss current affairs. Here, also, after his retirement from public life, he received 
many notable personages from abroad, who came to visit him. This spot is, therefore, 
so intimately associated with much of his life work while at home, that it seems appro- 
priate that it should be now dedii ated to public use, to the end that it may not be lost 
sight of in the march of improvement which naturally tends, sooner or later, to oblit- 
erate old land marks in a growing city like ours. 

Very truly vours, 

W. 11. SEWARD. 



G UNl'EILIXG SERVICES. 

By Aid. Murphy : 

Win ki \-. Many i itizens of Auburn and friends and neighbors of the late William 
il. Seward propose to present to said city a bronze statue- of that distinguished states- 
man, and to erect the same upon a suitable granite pedestal in the park, at the 
intersection of South and William streets, known as Seward Park, without expense to 
the city ; now, therefore be it 

Resolved, 'That full power ami authority are hereby given I'm- the erection of said 
statue in said park, with the proposed extension to be donated to the city by (leu. Wm. 
H. Seward and the Hon. Fred. W. Seward, and is hereby designated as "Seward Park." 
and said citizens and donors are hereby authorized to select within said park, a suitable 
plot on which said statue may be erected by them and encompassed in a substantial 
iron fence for its protection, the same to be done as proposed by the donors, without 
expense to the city. 

Ry \ld. Nye : That the communications be accepted and filed, and that the 
resi 'Union be adopted. ( larried 

The statue, which is oi bronze, is nine feet in height, being a little 
more than one-half larger than the life-size of Mr. Seward. It rests 
upon a granite pedestal which is also nine feet high. I he figure 
represents Mr. Seward in the act ol delivering the "Higher Law" 
sentiment, his right foot advanced, his right hand elevated, the fore- 
finger pointing upwards, the (ace uplifted ami glowing with thought, 
ami the form thrilled ami animated by the prophetic utterance 1 lie 
artist, Mr. Walter G. Robinson, has caught the spirit of the orator and 
has forcibly illustrated his expression. The pose- is graceful and lite- 
like, and the likeness is pronounced 1>\ Mr. Seward's most intimate 
friends, as perfe< t. 



SEWARD STA TUE. 

INSCRIPTIONS ON PEDESTAL. 

|K.i>i face— fronting South Street.] 

Presented November rjth, t888, to the Citj of Auburn, 
by the townsmen and friends of William H. Seward, in 
commemoration of his beneficent life, and of his distinguished 
servicer to the State, to the Nation, and to Mankind. 



{ Rear race— Sorthw ard. j 

WILLIAM H. SEWARD 
1 so 1 

18 7 2 



i face — fronting William Street.] 
last eight lines of A. ft. f . Randolph's sonnet : 

How through the years in silence thou hast borne 

The cruel doubt, the slanders of debate, 
The assassin's knife, ana' keener blade of scorn 
Wielded by party in its narrow hate: 
How could' st thou pause each step to vindicate 
Of thy supassing work I Lo ! It is done ; 
Freedom enshrined in our regenerate state. 
And they who were divided made as one .' " 



i fai e ■ Si uiii'.v ard.] 

A quotation from William H.Seward's California Speech, in the Senate, Mai 
nth, 185^1. Vol. I, page 74, 

The Constitution regulates our stewardship : the Constitu- 
tion derates the domain to union, to justice, to defence, to 
welfare and to liberty. 

But there is a higher law than the Constitution, which 
regulates our authority over the domain, and devotes it to the 
same noble purposes. 

n base 1 

SEWARD 



8 UNVEILING SERVICES. 

Notwithstanding the unpropitious rain, a vast concourse of people 
assembled at the park to witness the ceremony of unveiling. At i 1:30 
o'clock. Miss Fannie Seward, youngest daughter of General William 
H. Seward, touched the lexer which raised the flags and disclosed 
the statue. A salute was fired by a squad from Seward Cost, G. A. I\., 
the chimes of St. Peter's church were rung, and the further exercis< s 
were adjourned to the Opera 1 louse, in the afternoon. The exercises 
at the Opera House commenced at 3 r. M. The Auburn City I 
rendered a selection, after which the Rev. Dr. Brainard, rector of St. 
Peter's church, read a selection from Scripture, followed by prayer. 



Selection of Holy Scripture and Prayers 

BY REV. JOHN BRAINARD, D. D. 

RECTOR OF ST. PETER'S CHURCH, AUBURN, \. V. 

I Kings, hi : s- 



In Gibeon the Lord appeared to Solomon in a dream by night : and 
God said. Ask what I shall give thee. 

And Solomon said, Thou hast shewed unto thy servant David my 
father great mercy, according as he walked before thee in truth, and in 
righteousness, and in uprightness of heart with thee; and thou hast 
kept for him this great kindness, that thou hast given him a son to sit 
on his throne, as it is this day. 

And now, O Lord my God, thou hast made thy servant king 
instead of David my father: and I am but a little child: 1 know not 
how to go out or come in. 

And thy servant is in the midst of thy people which thou hast 
chosen, a great people, that cannot be numbered nor counted for 
multitude. 

Give therefore thy servant an understanding heart to judge thy 
people, that I may discern between good and bad : for who is able to 
judge this thy so great a people.'' 



in 



CXI'E/UXG SI: A'/7( ES. 



And the speech pleased the Lord, that Solomon had asked this 
thing. 

And God said unto him, Because thou hast asked this thine, and 
hast not asked for thyseli long life; neither hast asked riches for 
thyself, nor hast asked the life of thine enemies: hut hast asked for 
thyseli understanding to discern judgment ; 

Behold,! have dune according to thy word : lo, I have given thee a 
wise and an understanding heart ; so that there was none like thee 
before thee, neither alter thee shall any arise like unto thee. 

And I have also given thee that which thou hast not asked, both 
riches and honour: so that there shall not be any among the kings like 
unto thee all thy days. 

And it thou wilt walk in my ways, to keep nn statutes and my 
commandments, as thy father David did walk, then I will lengthen thy 
days. 

.And Solomon awoke-; and behold, it was a dream. 



f| ' k Father, who art in heaven, Hallowed be thy Name. I hy 
kingdom come. Thy will be done on earth, As it is in heaven. 
Give us this day our daily bread. And forgive us our trespasses, As 
we forgive those who trespass against us. And lead us not into 
temptation : But deliver us from evil : For thine is the kingdom, And 
the power and the glory, Forever and ever. Amen. 



SEWARD STATUE. 11 

OGOD, whose name is excellent in all the earth, and whose glory 
is above the heavens: We bless thee for the great things thou. 

hast done and art doing for the children of men. We consider the 
days of old. the years of ancient times, and unto thee do we give 
thanks. Moreover, we yield thee most high praise for the wonderful 
"race and virtue declared in all those thy children who have been the 
lights of the world in their several generations. For raising up thy 
servant whose memory we now seek to honor, and giving him to lie a 
leader to the people ; for granting him vision ol the days to come; and 
for bestowing upon him many excellent gifts, lor a settled constitution, 
and for equal iaws ; for freedom to do the thing that is right, and 
liberty to say tin.' truth ; for the spread of knowledge everywhere 
among us, and for the preservation of the faith ; we Mess and magnify 
thy holy Name, humbl) beseeching thee to accept this our sacrifice 
of thanks and praise, through [esus Christ our only Saviour and 
Redeemer. Amen. 

A LMIGHTY God, who in the former time didst lead our fathers 
forth into a wealth)' place: Give thy grace, we humbly beseech 
thee, to us their children, that we may always approve ourselves a 
people mindful of thy favor and Mad to do thy will. Bless our land 
with honourable industry, sound learning, and pure manners. Defend 
our liberties, preserve our unit}. Save us from violence, discord and 
confusion, from pride and arrogancy, and from every evil way. Fashion 
into one happy people the multitudes brought hither out of many 
kindreds and tongues. Endue with the spirit ol wisdom those whom 



12 



( 'Nl 'EILING SEE I '/£ ES. 



we entrust in thy Name with the authority oi governance, to the end 
that there be peace at home, and that we keep a place among the 
nations of the earth. In the time of prosperity, till our hearts with 
thankfulness; and in the day of trouble, suffer not our trust in thee in 
fail; all which we ask for fesus Christ's sake. Amen. 



T 



HE grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love oi God, and the 
fellowship of the Holy Ghost, be with us all evermore. Amen. 



ADDRESS BY CYRENUS WHEELER, JR. 



CHAIRMAN OF GENERAL COMMITTEE. 



We have assembled today, to witness the unveiling of a statue 
erected to the memory of that eminent citizen, statesman and philan- 
thropist, William H. Seward. 

This work has been long delayed ; but the delay is not without its 
advantages. Had it been undertaken at an earlier day, its promoters 
would have been dependent upon foreign artists. It is, as they desired 
it should be, like him whom it represents, distinctively American. 

Its location is peculiarly fitting, being near the homestead with 
which his name for half a century was associated, and close to that part 
of it where he delighted to meet his friends and neighbors, and where 
he spent many hours in preparation for his life work ; the earnest advo- 
cacy of liberty and justice, and the fearless condemnation of tyranny 
and injustice. 

The statue is the happy conception of Mr. Walter G. Robinson, a 
citizen of Auburn, who lias in its execution embodied therein, the char- 
acteristic features of an event in the life of him whom it represents, 
that marked an important epoch in the history of this nation. 

In 1 S 7 1 , Mr. Robinson designed a medallion portrait of Mr. Seward, 
and copied the same in marble. This was pronounced by competent 



14 



CXVEILING SERVICES. 



judges who examined it. a work of decided merit, and by the friends 
and neighbors of the statesman, a likeness ol great truthfulness. Stim- 
ulated by his success to higher efforts, a few years later lie conceived 
the idea of modeling a statue, which might be deemed worth) oi 
preservation in enduring form. Limited in means, and dependent upon 
his daily labor, which was interrupted by long periods oi illness, he 
devoted the limited time at his command to the object ol his ambition 
and labored diligently for its accomplishment, under difficulties and 
discouragements, that would have thwarted the purpose ol a less 
persistent man. Patiently toiling for the accomplishment oi the desired 
object, his efforts known only to a few oi Mr. Seward's friends, years 
passed before he reached that degree of perfection which he believed 
warranted him in submitting his work to public inspection and criticism. 

About one year ago, the model was placed on exhibition, and 
receiving the unanimous approval oi our citizens, it was immediateh 
decided to obtain hom it a copy in bronze for erection in this city. An 
order was given to the Chickopee Company, oi Chickopee, Mass., and 
the completed statue was received in this city, a few weeks since. 

A committee appointed by the subscribers to the fund, consisting oi 
Nelson Beardsley, 11. A. Morgan, G. \V. Allen. Gen. |. X. Knapp, 
Hon. Sereno K. Payne, Samuel Laurie, Orlando Lewis. David Wads- 
worth, |r.. Hon. Theodore M. Pomeroy, Benjamin B. Snow, ["nomas 
M. Osborne, George L'nderwood, lion. William I'. Robinson, James 
< . stout, General Clinton I). MacDougall, lion, [ohn I'. Teller, 
George II. Nye, and Cyrenus Wheeler, Jr., have had charge ol the 
enterprise, and expected to have held these ceremonies on the tenth 



SEWARD STATUE. 15 

day ill < >ctober last, the anniversary of Mr. Seward's death ; but to 
their regret circumstances rendered it impracticable. 

For the purpose of enlarging the "Seward Park" and making it a 
more appropriate site for the statue, the Hon. Frederick \Y. Seward, 
and Gen. William 11. Seward, have deeded to the city, a substantial 
addition to the same, which is now included therein. 

The townsmen and friends of the deceased statesman and philan- 
thropist, fulK" appreciating the great services he has rendered his 
country, and mankind have united in sharing the expense of the 
production, and erection of the statue, and now propose, through their 
representative, the Hon. Theodore M. Pomeroy, to present the same to 
the city, for its acceptance. 



ADDRESS BY HON. THEODORE M. POMEROY, 



PRESENTING THE STATUE TO THE CITY. 



Mr. Mayor: — The pleasant duty has been assigned to me of pre- 
senting to the city of Auburn, through you, this statue in bronze. For 
whom I speak, and why, is contained in the inscription upon the dais of 
its pedestal: "Presented, November 15th, 1888, to the city of Auburn, 
by the townsmen and friends of William H. Seward, in commemoration 
of his beneficent life, and of his distinguished services to the state, to 
the nation, and to mankind." 

It is a matter of pride to us, that this long contemplated token 
of affection from neighbors and friends, has finally taken expression 
through the genius of one of our own citizens, and that it is located 
upon ground hallowed by the associations of Mr. Seward's whole life, 
secured to the city through his own family, and bearing his own name. 

From early manhood, till past the allotted three score years and ten, 
Mr. Seward was in all those local and social relations which furnish 
life's greatest happiness, one of us. During all that time he resided 
upon the ground, a portion of which is included in this park. Yonder 
home was the Mecca of his thoughts, to which he ever came with 
ardent affection, whenever relieved from the cares of public office. No 
pomp of state, nor pride, nor assumed dignity of public position fol- 



1.8 UNVEILING SERVICES. 

lowed him here. No citizen walked out and in among us, more one of 
us than he, more interested in all matters oi municipal improvement, 
more a citizen, neighbor and friend. Persecuted .is tew have been 
persecuted in his public life, he brought hack no asperity from the 
conflict, and the most bitter oi political neighbors were moulded in 
his genial, social presence, into a common hand of devoted personal 
friends. 

Beneath these elms in closest personal friendship with those about 
him, of all parties and ot all creeds, in seeming rest and quiet, he forged 
his thoughts of eternal right and heaven-born principles of human 
government, into the eloquent and undying expressions, which when 
proclaimed to the world, were to make tor him a lite of irrepressible 
conflict, and to bring to him a martyr's death and a martyr's crown. 

The inspiration of the ceremonies oi today comes from these peace- 
ful surroundings and from these home friends, never personally 
separated from him in life by part) or creed, who come today in a 
common brotherhood ot love and respect, to present to the city oi his 
home, this testimonial of affectionate remembrance of their departed 
friend. 

But, while the inspiration to this occasion comes from these local 
associations, the fulfillment of its purposes necessarily broadens to a 
wider field. The suggestion of the statue itself is not ot the restful 
citizen, nor of the statesman in repose; hut ol Mr. Seward as he 
appeared in the prime of his magnificent manhood, the leader of his 
party and the prophet of his time, building up from the crumbling 
ruins of a nationalit) which a generation of American statesmen, unsur- 



SEWARD STATUE. 10 

passed in intellectual ability in any aye, had been endeavoring to 
preserve upon the shifting sands of compromise, a nation founded upon 
the abiding rock of the higher law. 

It is this great and enduring influence exemplified by Mr. Seward in 
his distinguished services to the state, to the nation and to mankind, 
emanating from him in all his utterances, as he ever looked upward for 
instruction and strength, and ever led his party upward by his courage, 
persistence and faith, that is sought to be feebly typified in this figure in 
bronze. Such influence never dies. Like matter, it may be transmuted 
or assimilated into other manifestations, but like matter it never dies. 
Paul still stands on Mars Hill and Luther before the Diet at Worms, 
and so will the purifying influence of Mr. Seward's high statesmanship, 
continue through his personality, to lead mankind to a higher source of 
the strength of national life, when time shall have obliterated this lontr- 
enduring type of his physical manhood. 

But Mr. Seward was thoroughly a statesman, and as such accepted 
the limitations to individual effort which control under all constitutional 
governments. Party organizations are these limitations. Whoever 
floats a banner of material or political progress outside of these, simply 
vexes the air. No men within the United States were more thoroughly 
antagonistic to the institution of slavery, nor morally more courageous 
in standing by their convictions, than William H. Seward and Abraham 
Lincoln. Still, acknowledging these limitations, they walked together 
with their party, through the admission of Texas, the Mexican War, the 
fugitive slave law, the repeal of the Missouri compromise; heart-sick 
hut never despondent, knowing not when God's time for emancipation 



20 UNVEILING SERVICES. 

would come, but knowing that when it did come, the result was to be 
wrought out through human instrumentalities, and that then, they, as 
leaders, would be powerless for good, except as the solid phalanx of 
part\- organization stood with them. Men less patient, less enduring, 
less obedient to the laws of Democratic development, would have 
wrecked not only emancipation, but the Union as well, in the first 
throes of Civil War. But they then stood not alone. Through party 
organization there sat in the gubernatorial chairs of all of the free- 
states men of equal faith and endurance. Andrews, Buckingham, Mor- 
gan, Curtin, Blair, Brough, Morton, Yates and others of equal sturdiness 
of patriotism, names not horn to die, and the echo of the first gun of 
tin- rebellion came to Lincoln in the presidential chair, and to Seward 
at the helm of state, prepared to hold the outside world at hay. It was 
from the legions with whom these men had walked to the polls, 
through years <>1 national discouragement and defeat, that the armies 
came which carried the flag reverently borne in sorrow from Sumter, 
triumphant to Appomattox, and trampled out slavery in its march as a 
mere incident of its progress to final victory. I he further lesson to be 
learned from the statue we unveil today, is not simply the recognition 
of our subordination to a higher law, hut that that law is to be 
propagated on earth, in closest contact and fellowship with our fellow 
men. That whatever inspiration the prophet may receive, upon the 
mountain of contemplation, must lie brought down to, and laid upon, 
and held upon the heart oi humanity to elevate ami liless the world. 
It was in his close walk with us as a neighbor and friend, that we loved 
our neighbor and friend. It was in his close contact and alliance with 



SEWARD STATUE. 21 

his fellow citizens in the bonds <>t party organization, that his pure, 
philanthropic and statesmanlike principles oi political progress found 
broad and ample room for recognition and development. Such com- 
pensation as has fallen to the lot of few of the great men of all time 
came to him. He lived to see the realization of his highest political 
aspiration, not a new south, nor a new north, but a new nation. 
enfranchised and disenthralled everywhere and in every part, from 
every bondage ol fact and of opinion hostile to organic national unity, 
and as we trust, henceforth dedicated by both divine and constitutional 
law, "to union, to justice, to defence, to welfare, to liberty." 

In conclusion, Mr. Mayor, 1 commit through you, as its most 
honored representative, to the city of Auburn, with a pleasure and 
pride which I know all of our citizens share in common with me, this 
statue of Auburn's most illustrious citizen, of one of America's most 
distinguished statesmen, and of one of the world's most beneficent 
philanthropists and benefactors. William 11. Seward. 

At the same time, I am pleased to deliver to you a deed to the city 
of Auburn, from Mr. Seward's family, of a substantial addition to this 
park. 



ADDRESS BY MAYOR MORTIMER V. AUSTIN, 



ACCEPTING THE STATUE IN BEHALF OF THE CITY. 



Mr. Pomeroy and through you to the donors of laud and of the Statue 
of William //. Seward: 

As the representative of the city of Auburn, the home of the 
illustrious 'statesman, in whose memory and as a tribute to whose public 
services this gathering is had, I take pleasure in participating in behalf 
of our city and its people, in the act of acceptance of the generous and 
thoughtful offering of the valuable land for public purposes and of the 
monument to William H. Seward. 

Looking around me, I see many whose personal acquaintance with 
him extended over man)' years, who possessed his close friendship and 
were honored by his counsels and confidence. His quiet home, through 
the serviceable and valuable years of his long life, overlooks this site ; 
the land donated to us by his sons, consecrated for almost half a 
century by his presence, was his favorite resort; the trees waving over 
us, planted and nurtured by his own hand, were the cherished objects 
of his watchful care; his life devoted to his family, his friends, his 
country, ami to struggling humanity, went out among us, and his mortal 
remains rest within our borders. 



24 UNVEILING SERVICES. 

As a reminder to us and our people, of his home among us while 
living, of his life so spent in our community, of his attachment to 
family and friends, of the value of his public sen ices, local and national. 
of his continued devotion and strict adherence to those principles which 
had the benefit, education and elevation of mankind for their object, 
of his noble aims inspired by the higher law, this cast were idle. 1 In- 
form anil features of the dead are reproduced in this base material with 
such skill as to he easily recognized; but a little time will elapse, when 
none will remain t;> know it by comparison with the living, in whose 
form it has keen fashioned by skilled hands, under the supervision and 
guidance of loving descendants. Those who come after us will, by this 
statue, know his features, while here, but under the influence of time 
and the elements, this lifedike representation of him. must perish; this 
monument made with care and now planted, must crumble and pass 
beyond recognition, ami the inscription become worn and defaced; hut 
Ion-' after yonder home shall he unknown, its location and form shall 
have passed from the memory of the living, after those trees, the fruits 
of his labor, pride and care shall have decayed and passed away, after 
this cast shall have crumbled into atoms and vanished, after the location 
of yon resting place of his remains shall he unmarked and unknown, 
the name of William II. Seward, his long ami continued adherence to 
principles of justice, his personal sacrifices and services to his country 
in times of need and danger, and to humanity of his day and time, will 
be familiar wherever commercial or industrial relations shall flourish 
or educational institutions exist. 



ORATION 



BY 



HON. WILLIAM M. EVARTS, 



AT THE UNVEILING OF THE 



SEWARD MEMORIAL STATUE, 



NOVEMBER ic, i 



ADDRESS BY HON. WILLIAM M. EVARTS. 



Mr. President and Citizens of Auburn: 

The kind Invitation of Mr. Seward's fellow townsmen and of my 
esteemed friends, his sons and near kinsmen, to take part in the 
inauguration of the statue, which is here to perpetuate his memory, 
found me with every inclination of affection, and under every obligation 
of duty, to accede to their wishes so agreeably expressed. The only 
reluctance I might feel to assuming the service proposed to me in this 
celebration, had no other source than distrust in my ability to treat 
adequately, so great a theme, either suitably to the large space in the 
public history of our country which Mr. Seward fills, in the eyes of all 
his countrymen, or acceptably to the intimate and warm associations of 
homage, admiration, and affection, which his neighbors cherish towards 
him, as shown to them in his daily walk and conversation for a lifetime. 
But this distrust, however well conceived, I must surrender to the 
indulgent judgment which has assigned to me so responsible a share 
in expressing your sentiments, and motives that have prompted and 
justify this public and perpetual remembrance of the name, the worth, 
the fame of William H. Seward. 

A statue of enduring marble or brass, raised and accepted in public 
approval and applause, imports very much to a people of our civiliza- 



2s UNVEILING SERVICES. 

tion, and especially to the people oi this country. This evident and 
demonstrative form of honor challenges the general favor of the pres- 
ent, and the permanent judgment ol all future generations. In the 
mother country it is sparingly, and in our own more sparingly accorded. 
Neither our civic sense oi equality, nor our religious estimate ol human 
greatness, easily tolerates an) forms ol mere personal adulation, or of 
mere human exaltation. In tin* classic period ol Greek and Roman 
development, neither the system ol society nor ol religious faith dis- 
couraged hero-worship, while their ample resources ol sensuous art 
supplied every form of dignity and beauty to manifestations ol manlike 
gods and godlike men. Indeed, the line between humanized images of 
gods and deified statues of men was almost lost, and their attributes 
were somewhat contused. Statesmen and orators of Republican Greei e, 
senators, magistrates, consuls, dictators, emperors of the successive 
polities of Rome, all had their statues, often less upon personal than 
upon official claims to this affected immortality. These stately and 
enduring portraitures served to mark to successive generations the 
illuminated record oi the history and progress of the nation. I heir 
number, and their conventional titles to this homage could not long 
maintain, if the) ever gained, a personal place in the affections, the 
admiration, or the gratitude of their countrymen. In the lapse ol time, 
and the changed opinions ol mankind, scarce any interest in most of 
these effigies survives, but such as the artist and his art may attract. 

The estimate of men and their actions, of events and their relation 
to human affairs, which the intellectual, moral, and social condition ol 
our people and of our time, shapes ami adjusts in the- distribution ol 



SEWARD STATUE. 29 

these enduring' and conspicuous honors, insists upon higher and more 
profound, more comprehensive and more distinguishable, more evident 
and more fruitful qualities and conduct of the lives and services which 
we desire to illustrate and exalt before the eyes of the world. 

These qualities and this conduct, these lives and these services must 
in some degree connect themselves with the imperishable and universal 
traits and needs of human nature; must have wrought in the welfare of 
society; must have saved or built up the fabric of the state, enforced 
moral and religious truths, enlarged or diffused knowledge, quickened 
or elevated patriotism, displayed beneficent activities, increased the sum 
ol happiness or fortified the defences of civilization. 

In raising statues to such characters and to such conduct, we not 
only preserve their memory, but we inculcate ami propagate their 
virtues; we assert and assist the progress of society and the dignity of 
man. If, upon this criterion, the number of our statues is circum- 
scribed, the tribute is more signal, the instruction is more luminous, and 
permanence in popular approval more secure. 

In the great city of this country, destined, perhaps, to become the 
great city of the world, our national history of a hundred years has 
crowned but six citizens with the honor of a public statue, falling 
within the province of statesmanship and resting upon that title- 
Washington, Franklin, Hamilton, Webster, Lincoln and Seward! Who 
would wish to season his admiration of these imposing names? \\ hat- 
ever name might be added to this list in a particular or general 
judgment without losing its lustre by the association, what one of these 
would any of us submit to miss? In their title to this honor, what 



30 UNVEILING SERVICES. 

element is there lmt of the highest and sincerest nature? (ireat powers 
of mind, great elevation <>i character, great public service, great patri- 
otism, a great theatre of action, and great results in the well-being oi a 
great nation and in the permanent welfare ol the world. In this their 
undoubted title what flaw or alloy is there of personal pomp, or 
personal power, or personal gain, or personal motives or ends? No! 
Their work and their achievements were all for the common benefit, 
and for themselves but a common share. 

If we look more closely at these illustrious names, we may find 
occasion to set apart from the rest, the name of Washington, upon a 
higher plane than belongs to statesmanship alone, for he added to this 
the power and fame of a L, r reat commander, and the transcendent name 
ami tame of bather of his Country. And, in the same sense, besides 
Lincoln's illustrious distinction as a statesman, his power and fame with 
his countrymen and mankind include the incomparable titles of the 
Ruler of a Nation ami the Emancipator of a Race. We may, also, 
justly separate tin- name of Franklin from the list of mere statesmen, 
lor his fame ami power as a benefactor of mankind in the domain of 
science and the economies of life, may well be celebrated with the most 
signal honor. 

These three names remain, — Hamilton, Webster, Seward, — as 
crowned with the civic honor of a statue in the great city of this great 
state, for statesmanship ami service to his country in the faculties, the 
duties ami the triumphs which may attend that high career. I hese 
were all lawyers, the)' were all orators, they were all ministers of state, 
they wen- all leaders ol political opinion and ol political parties; they 



SEWARD STATUE. 31 

were all charged, in turn, with a critical share of the safety and hopes 
of the country in junctures of the gravest moment, and in continuous 
conduct of matters of state of the mightiest solicitudes and responsibil- 
ities. On these occasions their principles, their measures, — in these 
capital junctures of the public welfare, — were prosperous in their 
hands, and helped save and strengthen the commonwealth. 1 shall not 
compare them or contrast them, or their opportunities, or their treat- 
ment of them. These were all of the highest and, by consent of all. 
they were capable of the mastery of great affairs because they showed 
this mastery. The towers of our strength needed to be defended, they 
could be defended, and by these right hands they were defended. 

Hamilton's political genius lent to the formation and adoption of 
the constitution, and, as a working force, carrying the new government 
over the breakers of public debt and public poverty into security and 
prosperity, was as indispensable as it was adequate to the mighty task. 
Webster, with the collective force of a massive reason and a flaming 
eloquence, shattered as with a thunderbolt the powerful sophistries and 
ambushed treasons that struck at the heart of the constitution and 
shook the pillars of the established state. He informed the under- 
standings of the people and prepared their hearts for the appropriate, 
adequate, and seasonable means to carry the country through the 
terrible struggle of opposing forces it was to encounter. Through this 
stormy period, it was reserved for the generation of Seward to guide 
and lead the nation to the desired consummation of an unmutilated 
territory and an uncorrupted constitution. How great a part, and how 
prosperously our statesman, your townsman, bore in this wonderful 
stage of our history, I must attempt some brief delineation. 



32 UNVEILING SERVICES. 

Slaver)', whose fateful name was so carefully left out of the text of 
the constitution by its framers, was rooted in the structure of our 
society, was wrought into the compensations and balances of our con- 
stituted liberties, haunted the public conscience, perplexed with fear the 
augurs, scared the waking visions of the prophets, broke the chariot 
wheels ot every triumph, and made a spectral guest at every feast. 

Some thought the liteblood of liberty, by its own vigor, would suffo- 
cate or expel the incongruous element from the body politic and leave 
no stain or scar behind. Some sought for a spell to exorcise the evil 
spirit, anil others for "poppy and mandragora and all the drowsy 
syrups" to prolong its sleep. Rash men wished to hasten, brave men 
feared to meet, wise men prepared for, the inevitable outburst of the 
" irrepressible conflict." 

For a considerable time alter the permanence of slavery in our 
system as a possible alternative was rejected by every thoughtful states- 
man as intolerable and visionary, it was hoped that a basis ot political 
treatment might dispose of the problem without breaking up the 
organizations of the great parties which sought to maintain their foot- 
ing in the free states and the shut- states alike. 1 1 was (elt by many 
that whenever it should come about, that the predominance of the issue 
of slave labor and free labor should efface in the minds of the people 
of the country all other topics of political interest among them, when, 
thus, political parties could only hope to exist or grow on one side ot a 
geographical line or the other, and the antagonisms of politics should 
divide the country into sections, instead of operating on the diversity 
of individual opinions wheresoever it was felt, 1 say, that this would 



SEWARD STATUE. 33 

be not so much a step towards, as a stage in, the dissolution of the 
common government. The struggles for the possession of the govern- 
ment, it was feared, and for the control of measures touching this 
absorbing issue between political parties — thus become effectively 
geographical — could not very long be expected to adhere to the forms 
of peaceful constitutional suffrage, or always submit to the preponder- 
ance of votes. 

To resist this foreseen tendency in our politics and avert it, and 
search for some sovereign remedy that might assuage these urgent 
passions and interests, was the staple of our politics for many years. 
A world of wisdom and of arts and artifices of politics, no end of 
patriotic fervor and self-sacrifice was devoted to the solution of this 
problem. 

I do not propose to dwell upon this period of our statesmen's 
labors and trials, nor to measure or estimate, in detail, Mr. Seward's 
share or fortunes in these complexities or prolixities. Events and 
importunate exactions on one side and the other of these implacable 
contentions, brought us face to face with the dissolution of the Union, 
and the destruction of the government, as an overshadowing and 
flagrant fact. The lone debate came to an end, and force was to decide 
what the debate had fathomed and explored but had not settled. The 
various opinions whether the slavery question had enough of elemental 
war in it to burst the strong bonds of the Union, now, all went for 
naught. The subordinate doubt whether, if the nation was pushed to 
the point of failure to reconcile the irreconcilable and repress the 
irrepressible, separation would not need to be the logical consequence 



34 



( 'XI 'EILING SEE I '!(. ES. 



of that situation, was soon swallowed up in the conviction that separa- 
tion, by contract, was as impossible as it was illusory in speculation. 
The manifest condition in which the people o| the country were placed, 
then, however slowly it might disclose itself to men of different party 
or personal associations, was whether the nation could be dismembered 
in the interest of slavery, or its integrity could be assured, whatever 
might befall slavery, in the name and love ol country, and of liberty 
and union, one and inseparable. 

Before the instant and urgent project of the dissolution of the 
Union had occupied the scene, three distinct views concerning this 
dread possibility, had been formed in the northern mind, and had 
divided the leaders oi opinion ami of politics into three groups. The 
first included a very earnest, though not very numerous body ol 
thinkers and agitators, who had accustomed themselves to place the 
separation of the northern people from responsibility for, and complicity 
in, tin- continuance ol slavery, above all interest or duty in the mainte- 
nance ot the Union. These doctrines and their inculcation made light 
of the question ol the dissolution of the Union, as compared with the 
extirpation ol slavery from the nation in which they should continue 
their citizenship and allegiance. ( )t the votaries of these opinions 
some thought this end might be reached consistently with preserving 
the integrity ol the nation, while others regarded it as impossible, and 
but a waste ol force to calculate upon it. This group included not 
only the recognized sect of abolitionists, but also a class of politicians 
who pleased themselves with the notion, that, to escape the stress and 
reproach of double dealing, on this troublesome issue, in the pursuit ol 



SEWARD ST A Tlli. 35 

political careers, it was better to divide the country to accommodate this 
exigency of their ambitions. This group could be counted upon to 
resist the extension of the power and corruption of slavery in our 
system, to the extreme, but not, also, to couple with it the; inexorable 
condition of the maintenance of the Union. 

The second group of northern opinions and northern statesmen and 
politicians looked upon the issue of slavery as incapable of treatment, 
politically — with safety to the integrity of the Union and the mainte- 
nance of the constitution — except by the methods of conciliation and 
protection of the issue till the preponderance of freedom should 
demonstrate the hopelessness of any resort to force, or efface an)' desire- 
to attempt it. The leaders of these opinions set themselves against 
any provocation of the- issue of force. Always and under all circum- 
stances devoted to the preservation of the Union at every cost, they 
had ever before their eyes the ease with which the passions ol tin- 
people and the exasperations of ambition might unsettle our "unity 
and married calm of states," and the immeasurable consequences of 
opening such a strife. This group embraced the great body of the 
Whig statesmen and their supporters, and a large body of the northern 
Democracy. 

The remaining group was made up of those who refused to consider 
such grave issue as the dissolution of the Union, or its dismemberment 
or preservation by force, as possible to arise in the conflict of opinions 
and interests between slavery and freedom. They regarded the cohe- 
sion of our body politic as secure ami immovable as the natural cohesion 
of the solar system. They affected to think that the several elements 



36 UNI T EILING SEE I r K ES. 

that held us together were as permanent and dominant in their opera- 
tion as the natural elements that secure the harmony of the spheres. 
Unaccustomed, therefore, to weigh the contingencies of a possible 
disruption of our political system, under whatever severity of political 
controversies and collisions, it was obvious that when the disruption 
should take place, it was yet problematical what disposition and what 
efficiency they would bring to deal with the flagrant outbreak, which 
they had not counted upon as possible. 

No competent judgment but must have felt that, unless these 
various opinions and theories and political associations could be com- 
bined and animated and welded together, in a concentrated purpose.- to 
preserve the Union first, last, and always and at every cost, as rapidly 
as possible when the outbreak should occur, disaster, if not fatal 
disaster, might attend the efforts of the government to maintain itself 
against what would surely show itself as a most formidable rebellion. 

Mr. Seward's attitude towards these various opinions was admirably 
suited to bring about the necessary fusion among its groups. Hostile 
to slavery to the utmost, and intolerant of any calculation of its perma- 
nence in our system, or of any policy looking to its strength or defence ; 
incredulous of any possible choice by any great body of our country- 
men of slavery, out of the Union, over its extirpation by constitutiuii.il 
processes within it ; open and sincere in absolute devotion to the 
Union, and contempt for all calculations of its value, or any balancing 
of evils under the constitution against ruin by its destruction — Mr. 
Seward in the senate and before the people stood for conciliation, pru- 
dence, hrmness, courage, loyalty, in one united purpose and action ot 



SEWARD STATU-. 37 

all lovers of the Union and all opponents of slavery, to preserve the 
one and insure the destruction of the other. 

From the time when in 1849, he took his seat in the senate until he 
left it to t dee his place in Lincoln's cabinet, Mr. Seward held no other 
view than this — that slavery, by his voice or vote or acquiescence, 
should gain no enlargement of strength or spread or duration, and that 
it must abide its fate under the constitution and within the Union. 
That this involved, by necessity, its decay, its decline and its destruction 
was as apparent to his forecast as it was uppermost in his purpose and 
desire. Midway in this senatorial service the repeal of the Missouri 
compromise was accomplished. This put an end to the concordat 
between freedom and slavery upon which a modus vivendi for them had 
been found, under the conciliations of the constitution and the tradi- 
tions of our legislation, and the issue was handed over to a sheer trial 
of strength between the two geographical sections, with whatever 
methods and results might pertain to a trial of right by might. These 
twelve years of Mr. Seward's life include, substantially, the whole 
period of public oratory and parliamentary influence that make up the 
area and arena upon which he exhibited and exercised, upon a great 
theater, and upon subjects of the highest import in the critical affairs of 
a great nation, the great faculty with which he was endowed, for the 
safety of the state. Manifold were the occasions, multiform the modes 
in which these efforts were put forth. For fullness and fertility, for 
variety and force, for resolution and efficiency, no equal array of 
speeches — none of them exhibitor)-, all of them responsible and to an 
end — can be found in the records of our statesmen. No doubt, no 



38 I 'M 'IH I. IXC, SER I 7C 7:X 

single speech of Mr. Seward can compete for the crown of eloquence 
with the speech of Fisher Ames on the British treaty, or of Daniel 
Webster on the Foote resolutions. These stand, by popular and 
critical concurrence, at the head oi the annals of American parliamen- 
tary eloquence. But, as a whole series in one great debate, in which 
ever) power and energy were put forth in this protracted peril to the 
safety of the republic, the successive speeches ol Mr. Seward are with- 
out a parallel. 

Close upon the repeal of the Missouri compromise came the forma- 
tion of the Republican party out ol northern followers oi the old 
Whig and Democratic parties. This new organization took the held at 
the start, with no supporters in the slave states. This decisive move- 
ment called out the array and raised the standard of political revolt 
against the traditional pretension that the power ol slavery was safe, 
under the constitution, against political proscription. 1 his declaration 
of its principles, this proclamation ol its purposes, was not misunder- 
stood on either side ol the issue raised, and proved the first stage ol 
avowed political sectional division within the province ol the suffrage. 
The consolidation of this sectional vote and its triumph in the electoral 
colleges, in the canvass of i860, by the election of President Lincoln, 
transferred the contest from the province of the suffrage to the held of 
armed rebellion and armed defence of the government, the constitution 
and the Union from the arbitration ol peace to that ol war. 

The political leadership of the movements which prepared ami built 
up the Republican party and culminated in this stupendous transforma- 
tion of the scene of its action from peace to war —movements which, 



SEWARD STATU-. 39 

thenceforth, were to be worked out by the methods of the sword and 
the shock of arms — would seem naturally, if not necessarily, to have 
fallen to Mr. Seward as the candidate in the canvass and the chief 
magistrate of the nation in the supreme conduct of the great trans- 
action. But the situation was unprecedented, and the choice was — not 
without prudence ami, certainly, not without prosperity — made to turn, 
with a measuring cast, upon the leadership being accorded to the vast 
homogeneous and ardent population of the west rather than to the 
older states of the east — to the Mississippi valley, and not to the 
Atlantic coast. Xo doubt the great body of the party looked up to 
Mr. Seward as the bold and persistent, the sagacious and circumspect, 
organizing mind which had drawn together the powerful array which 
was marshalled for the- impending conflict. Hut neither Mr. Seward 
nor these his followers and admirers made any question of the wisdom 
of the patriotic convention's choice of a candidate. The task before 
them all was great enough, and felt to be great enough, for every 
demand upon the faculties and the courage of leaders and followers 
alike. 

The drama of our Civil War and the parts played in it by the chief 
actors, fills a great chapter in the world's annals, and brings it and them 
into comparison with the largest transactions in human affairs and the 
capital figures in them, which the history of the race has recorded. It 
it should ever be needful or useful to scrutinize and dissect the relative 
importance of the shares in this arduous service and this resplendent 
triumph which fell to each of our great statesmen ami soldiers, the task 
may well be left for the serener judgment of later times. It is for us 



4(1 



UNVEILING SERVICES. 



to exalt the common and united service and give our homage to the 
grandeur of their common and lasting fame. In the meantime, the 
lustre ot each character and of his due proportion in the conspicuous 
actions oi the marvelous work, is best enhanced by magnifying and not 
belittling the parts oi others played on the glorious scene. In this 
spirit and in this aspect the particular enlistment to extol and perpetuate 
the memory ot this or that reputation, as pre-eminent, will best find its 
exercise. The proud encomium, which has come to us from ancient 
days, primus inter pares ma) thus be overmatched by the more singular 
praise ot pa/- infer primes. It is nobler to lie equal among the great- 
est, than to lie merely the greatest among equals. 

The very large and conspicuous part which Mr. Seward took in the 
common counsels ot the new administration, the unmeasured support 
which he gave to the President in all the cares which rested upon him, 
and to his colleagues in the cabinet in the arduous labors and responsi- 
bilities distributed among them, I need not insist upon. Events alone 
would demonstrate this unity and concord, and the record ot the times 
confirm it. We may therefore turn our attention into some observa- 
tions upon that department of the government over which he presided, 
the Department of State in charge of our foreign relations during the 
Civil War. 

The calculation ot the revolted population that their distribution 
into states would not only put at their service ready organized rebellion, 
but save them from the distraction of society which Civil War would 
otherwise bring in its train, was not misconceived. Hut they strangely 
shut their eyes to the fact of organized loyalty, b\ the same reason, 



SEWARD STATUE. 41 

being preserved among the faithful states and the weakness of dissen- 
tient sympathy with the rebellion, in their population, averted. 
De Tocqueville thought it, in our system, a peril to the united govern- 
ment which it could not survive, whenever state rebellion should raise 
its standard. But when the time came, it was this very feature in our 
admirable distribution of powers between nation and states that proved 
the safety of the common government and the protection of society. 
It was the inattention to this organic scheme of our government, on 
the part of foreign powers, that misled them in their confident anticipa- 
tion of our dismemberment and our humiliation before their eyes. Out 
of this theoretic infirmity, as the wise men of Europe interpreted it, 
came our strength. When the statesmen of the great powers of 
Europe pronounced, as they did, our suppression of so great a rebellion 
impossible, the}- should have satisfied themselves with saying it would 
be impossible under any form of government of which they had 
experience. 

The immense advantage of this speedy accommodation of a Civil 
War to the condition of public war, to the government in dealing with 
the revolted population and marshalling the resources of the loyal 
people, cannot be over-estimated. Under this operation the task of 
the government, however prodigious, was manageable by the same 
methods that would have been adequate and appropriate to a foreign 
war with an antagonist of strength equal to that of the domestic rebel- 
lion. The vast transactions of the treasury, the immense combinations 
and operations of the land forces and the naval service could thus be 
handled, ami were handled, without a break in the regularity of an)- 



42 / .\7 HI LI XI, SER I 'ICES. 

functions of government, and without any persistent disturbance of the 
peace in the loyal region of the country. 

In the province of foreign affairs and the conduct ot them, this 
assimilation of our civil to a public war placed us in an attitude of 
delicacy and difficulty towards the foreign nations whose interests were 
deeply and rudely affected by tin- sudden transformation of this great 
and friendly, powerful and commercial nation into a vast theatre of 
domestic war. Soon it appeared that the lawful exercise by our gov- 
ernment of the rights of public war to reduce the revolt, and which the 
rules of public law required neutral nations to respect and submit to, 
carried into the internal affairs of these nations, into their industries, 
their commerce, their finances, the values anil prices ot their domestic- 
trade, the employment of labor ami the rate oi wages, as much disturb- 
ance, derangement and suffering as if they themselves were parties to 
the war itself. Soon, too, it appeared that under our close blockade of 
the southern ports the temptation to a vast trade to violate and evade 
it sprung up and was irresistible. Soon, as well, the exigencies of the 
rebellion demanded a foreign base of supply ami a foreign maritime 
resort lor naval constructions and naval recruitments. in short, so 
closely were the industrial and commercial interests ot foreign nations 
interlocked with our own, the maintenance of our domestic war seemed 
to partake, in nature ami effect, so strongly ot the consequences of a 
war upon the fabric of their peace ami prosperity, that it seems as if 
this must urge them to coerce a peace or take open part in the war 
itself, 



SEWARD STATUE. 43 

The addition to these natural and urgent influences that were press- 
ing upon foreign nations to meditate or speculate how far and how long 
this novel situation should be or could be allowed to continue, without 
some form of friendly or hostile intervention, the political calculations 
and designs of France and England as they watched the progress oi 
affairs on this side of the water, coidd not be looked upon by our gov- 
ernment without the greatest distrust and concern. Imperial France 
allied with imperial Mexico, planning an alliance with our revolted 
states — England watching for the expected, if not desired event of our 
dismemberment, and counting upon an industrial and commercial con- 
quest of both the broken parts — these indeed, were attitudes and 
eventualities which demanded in the conduct of our foreign affairs 
unsleeping vigilance and an active and energetic diplomacy. 

These observations on our foreign relations during the war can lie 
carried, on this occasion, no further. They go scarcely beyond mere 
allusion to the elements of difficulty and danger, without attempting an 
exposition of them. The more they are explored and understood, the 
graver and more numerous and complicated they appear. The respon- 
sibility of this department of the public service, in all cabinets, foreign 
and in our own, even in time of peace, rests wholly upon the minister 
in charge of it. In disordered times, in periods when war rules the 
hour and brings upon the scene its own inexorable rights, its own 
despotic laws, the management of foreign relations is, of necessity, at 
the charge of one mind, of one will, of one action and one accounta- 
bility. His eye must survey the whole field, his forecast must take in 
the future, his wisdom, his courage, his faculty, his will must, for better 



II UNVEILING SERVICES. 

or worse, be the fore-cast, the wisdom and the will of the government 
and the country. He who can point in this province of human affairs 
and mastery, to the crown which ends his work in the prosperity and 
triumph of his policy and methods, may, more than in any other ^reat 
sphere ol political dut) and political success, expect and receive the 
applause which belongs to personal qualities, personal conduct and 
personal achievement. For this reason, great reputations have been 
deservedly made and conceded for prosperity in single instances, in 
isolated negotiations and even in subordinate hands. \\ ho, then, can 
measure the vast services, and who will venture to qualify the honest 
lame ol one who held, through the whole great drama ol our Civil 
War on the world's stage, the part Mr. Seward filled and the action he 
displayed. 

I he leading ideas which, from the beginning to the end of his 
administration ol the state department during the first term of Mr. 
Lincoln's presidency, held possession of the mind of Mr. Seward and 
animated and directed his management ol the situation, were these: 
First, that a nation rent by civil lends gives at once an opportunity for 
foreign intervention in its affairs, and this constitutes the chief peril to 
be guarded against. Second, that the motives and the occasions for this 
intervention in our domestic conflict were more profound and more 
importunate than could well be measured. Third, that no calculation 
could be tolerated ol the degree or form of the mischief which would 
come to our affairs, if this intervention should occur. Fourth, to pre- 
vent this intervention would require and must receive, incessant, 
intelligent and intrepid action by this government, through the be:.t 



SEWARD ST 1 TUB '. 45 

means and agencies at its command. And, last, that neither public 
opinion, nor popular excitement, nor theoretic reasoning as to our 
rights, nor our pride or our passions could affect his duty and his respon- 
sibility to see to it that intervention did not take place. If, he 
conceived, this great end was secured, there would be time enough in 
the future for settlement of all trespasses and redress of all grievances. 
If, in spite of every effort, foreign intervention should occur, this 
disaster and our resentment would swallow up all minor incidents. 
Upon this line Mr. Seward conducted his foreign correspondence, and 
shaped and directed all other agencies of influence abroad which were 
at his service. His policy was triumphant. The rebellion was abso- 
lutely suppressed without intervention, as, with it, it would not have 
been, or, certainly, not crushed when and as it was, if intervention had 
played a part in the transaction. France retired from Mexico and 
Mexico remained and France became a Republic. England was 
brought into judgment for excesses of neutral privileges and con- 
demned by the august tribunal of nations, assembled to pass upon her 
conduct. 

The strange last stroke of the rebellion, as from a dying hand, 
compassed the death of Seward and Lincoln and accomplished the 
dreadful purpose in the martyrdom of the great President. The calm 
sentiments, the prudent counsels, the serene wisdom, the all-embracing 
charity, which suffereth long and is kind, which, by consent of all men, 
the situation and the process of restoration and reconstruction mani- 
festly called for, were, for the moment, rudely set aside. Lincoln, 
alone, held in one hand the moral, the political, the magisterial, gentle 



46 I 'XI EIL ING SEE 1 7CES. 

and powerful domination over the minds and. hearts of his countrymen, 
which could sway them to these controlling duties and purposes, and 
that hand had lost its cunning and its strength. Suddenly, the task 
was passed by the constitution into unprepared, unselected, unentrusted 
hands. No statesman was ever placed in more- difficult circumstances 
than befell Mr. Seward by this tragic calamity. Yet nothing was more 
peremptory, than that Mr. Seward should stand between the living and 
the dead and attempt to stay the plague ol contusion of counsels, 
vehemence ol passions, and the heath' fight of factions which ensued 
upon the death of the president. All these, as we know, culminated in 
an attempt of the two houses ol congress to depose the president, 
through the constitutional process ol impeachment. The failure saved 
us from a disaster which would have been, to our institutions, a 
reproach to the past, a peril to the present and a menace to the future. 
And thus came to an end the great drama of the Civil War, anil 
thus the public lite of Mr. Seward was brought to its close. In the 
last, as in the earlier stages ol his public service, the principles, the 
methods, the policy which he pursued were crowned with success. His 
political fortunes were never separate, and never separable, from the 
prosperity of his part)' and the welfare of his country. The political 
good of the country was always the vm\ which he had before him. 
file political means to accomplish this political end, under our institu- 
tions, were the action of parties through the methods of free speech, 
free press, and free suffrage. In this scheme of our wide democracy, 
he believed with Mr. Burke, "that no men could act with effect, who 
did not act in concert ; that no men could act in concert who did not 



SEWARD STATUE. 47 

act with confidence ; that no men could act with confidence who were 
not bound together by common opinions, common affections ami 
common interests." 

In the hour in which I might hope to engage your attention to the 
man and the career, which it is your delight to honor, I have not 
attempted the impossible task of unfolding or rehearsing the manifold 
beneficent and elevated actions of his busy life. 1 have sought rather, 
to place before you this imposing figure among men upon the solid 
structure, as if upon a lofty pedestal, which his public career has built 
up, to his own fame in the great temple of liberty and justice which we 
hope will remain the habitation of our people forever. 

To me, much meditating upon the collective traits of Mr. Seward's 
character, his life and work seem among the sincerest and worthiest 
that the history of government and the annals of statesmanship have 
shown. Those traits were a calm judgment, a penetrating forecast, an 
intrepid courage, a fervid spirit, unfailing patience, and the largest 
charity. These united with great intellect and high morality, made 
up his qualities and his preparation and equipment for the strenuous 
public services he was destined to perform. His system of life, his 
conduct of life comported, from the beginning to the end, with these 
collective traits. He betrayed no trust, he deserted no duty, he quailed 
before no danger, he recoiled from no labor, he broke no friendship, he 
rose on no man's fall, he gained by no man's loss, he fed no grudges, 
nor raised his own repute by defamation of others. Toward the dear 
country which he loved, the great constitution which he revered, the 
institutions of equality and freedom which he adored, the work of his 



48 I ",\7 'FILING SER I ICES. 

life was given to strengthen, in every part, the republic, add stability 
and permanence to its frame and cure all evils in the body politic — ad 
firmandam rempublicam, et ad stabilicndas vires, ct sanandum populitm 
omnis ejus pergebat institutio. 

Mr. President and Citizens of Auburn: In decreeing a statue to 
your celebrated townsman, you concur in the general judgment of the 
country that this life has merited this honor. But there are elements 
of closer and more delicate associations, on your part, with this life 
than those which enter into his public fame. Here he lived in the sun- 
shine and the shadow of your and his household lives. Here he began, 
here he pursued, that public course which, step by step, before your 
eyes carried him up the steep ascent to the highest honors of the state 
and of the nation, and of the applause of the world. Here, his public 
services completed, he came back to be your daily companion. Here, 
from a year's travel, in which he compassed the whole globe, receiving 
everywhere illustrious honors, he returned again and for the last time. 
Here, visibly, before your afflicted eyes, progressive infirmities oppressed 
his bodily frame, but they did not dim the light of his understanding 
nor abate his unquenchable spirit. Here, his mortal remains were laid 
in the grave which your hands had prepared for them. Here, then, 
while others lay upon the altar raised to his memory the rich gifts of 
homage, of honor, ol blessing and of fame, you bring, besides, the 
precious gold and frankincense and myrrh of your heart's affections to 
the memory of your neighbor and your friend. Now and henceforth, 
your beautiful vicinage shall be counted by your countrymen among 
the sacred places of the land, as the home and the tomb of Seward, 
ami the shrine of the noble statue that illustrates his noble lib-. 



CORRESPONDENCE 



The following letters have been selected for publication from the 
large number received, for the reason that they are chiefly the expres- 
sion of personal friends or associates of Mr. Seward in his lifetime, and 
reveal impressions which he made upon those who knew him most 
intimately, or that they recall some incident in his career not before 

made public : 

Hon. John Sherman, I '. S. Senator. 

Mansfield, Ohio, Nov. 9, r888. 
Gentlemen : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation to 
attend the unveiling of a statue of William H. Seward, at Auburn, on the 15th inst. 
I regret that engagements will not permit me to do so. It is fitting that his old neigh- 
bors and friends should mark the resting place of one of the must eminent citizens oi 
America with a memorial statue and accompany its erection with impressive ceremonies. 
I had the honor to know Mr. Seward well, as well as any one entering public life could 
know a veteran leader of his party, whose voice and influence were the controlling 
element that for the first time made his country in fact as well as in name a free 
Republic. In recalling his services and the matchless ability with which he conducted 
the great battle of freedom I feel that the people of the United States have been 
wanting in gratitude to him, but that his impress on our history is so strong, and the 
good he did so great that each revolving year will bring out in living light his love of 
liberty, the tenacity and courage of his long struggle with slavery, and his final triumph 
in the emancipation of millions of slaves to which he contributed more than anyone 
living or dead. I take pleasure in adding my testimony to that of his fellow townsmen 
and join with you in the highest honors that can bless the memory of a statesman, a 

philanthropist and a patriot. 

Very sincerely yi mrs, 

1 1 'UN SHERMAN. 
Messrs. Benjamin 1'.. Snow and <'thers. Committee. 



50 I 'XI 'EIL FNG SER I It ES. 

Hon. . \ brain S. Hewitt, Mayor of New York City. 

M \ \ i ir's ( Iff ice, ) 

New York, Nov. 7. [888. \ 

Benjamin B. Sn w, Esq., and Others, Committee, Auburn, A. V.: 

Gentlemen : — I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of the invitation of the 
1 iti/cns of Auburn lo be present at the unveiling of the statue of William H. Seward 
on the fifteenth inst. I regret exceedingly that 1 shall not be able to leave New York 
at that time, but I sympathize fully with the patriotic spirit which has led the inhabi- 
tants of the city, where he lived ami 'lied, to erect a durable monument to the memory 
of the great man whose life was consecrated to the public service and whose impress 
has been permanently made upon the institutions of the country. I knew him well 
from my early youth, and 1 never ceased to admire the courage and the patriotism 
which he displayed in his long and memorable career, it has been my privilege 
already lo contribute to the monument which stands in Madison Square in this city, 
ami 1 am glad to see that the example here set is followed in the interior of the state 
which owes so much to his public spirit and his self-sacrificing devotion to the general 
good. Yours respectfully, 

Al'.RAM S. HEWITT. 

Hon. Charles C. Nott, Judge Court of Claims. 

Washington, D. C, Nov. 8, 1888. 
Messrs. Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee, c-v.. &-Y.. 

Gentlemen : — Official duties, 1 greatly regret to say', will prevent me from being 
present at the unveiling of the statue of the great statesman and revered friend whose 
memory the citizens of Auburn are about to honor. Knowing well the love and esteem 
in which he was held by both my fathei and my grandfather before me, 1 regret for 
their sakes as well as my own that 1 i annot unite with you in this act of reverential and 
just regard. 

As my contribution to the occasion I enclose a copy of what is now a rare and well 
nigh lost literary gem, one which at the time of its publication gave Mr. Seward great 
pleasure; viz.: Whittier's sonnet on " The Great Plea for the Union," delivered in the 
senate, January 12. 1861 : and I send it with this explanation ; 

Knowing how- much pleasure it had given Mr. Seward, coining as it did from that 
extreme wing of ardent men who held 

" Even Union less 
Than Liberty and Truth and Righteousness." 



SEWARD STATUE. 51 

And knowing also what an historic item it was of that dark and doubting period 
just before the war, I naturally looked for it when the complete edition of Mr. 
Whittier's works was published. It was not there. The matter slept for some time, 
and then I wrote to the poet whom we all love and revere, asking him to tell me why 
he had thus excluded it ; and then the curious literary fact appeared that he had sent 
the sonnet to a newspaper without keeping a copy, and that he had never seen it after- 
ward, and that when the complete edition was published he had no copy to publish. 
Fortunately I had taken better care of it than its author ; and I deem the unveiling of 
the Auburn statue a fitting occasion for restoring the lost sonnet to the world. 

I remain gentlemen, 

Wry respectfully, etc., eti ., 

CHARLES C. NOTT. 

The Lost Sonnet of Whittier, 

On the Plea for the Union in the Senate, 

January 12. 1861, 

To William H. Seward. 

Statesman, I thank thee — and, if yet dissent 

Mingles, reluctant, with my large content, 

I cannot censure what was nobly meant, 

But, while constrained to hold even union le>s 

Than Liberty and Truth and Righteousness, 

I thank thee in the sweet and holy name 

< If peace, for wise calm words that put to shame 

Passion and party. Courage may be shown 

Not in defiance of the wrong alone : 

He may be bravest who, unweaponed bears 

The olive branch, and strong in justice spares 

The rash wrong doer, giving widest scope 

To Christian charity and generous hope, 

If, without damage to the sacred cause 

Of Freedom and the safe-guard of its laws — 

If, without yielding that for which alone 

We prize the Union, thou can'st save it now 

From a baptism of blood, upon thy brow 

A wreath whose flowers no earthly soil has known. 

Woven of the beatitudes shall rest ; 

And the peacemaker be forever blest. 



52 I 'XI 'EILING SER I 'IL ES. 

Hon. M. Romero, Minister from Mexico. 

Legai ion Mexicana, Washington, Nov. 10, [888. 
l)i an Sirs: — I have been honored with your invitation to attend the ceremonies 
of the unveiling of the statue of the late William H. Seward, at the city of Auburn, 
X. Y., on the 15th inst. It was my fortune to have resided in this city, as the official 
representative of the Mexican government during most of the time in which your 
distinguished statesman, whose memory you honor, filled the office of secretary of 
state of the United States, where he had the opportunity under the circumstances then 
existing of rendering the most distinguished services to his country of his eventful 
career. And I enjoyed not only his personal acquaintance, but also his friendship, 
having at the same time the opportunity of admiring his high qualities as a patriot and 
a statesman, under a condition of things no less trying for his than for my own country. 
Nothing therefore could give me greater pleasure than to be able to join you, in a cele- 
bration to honor the memory of sui h a distinguished man. who was at the same time a 
personal friend of mine, and a friend of my country. And it is with the greatest 
regret, that owing to a previous engagement, I am < mstrained to forego what 1 almost 
consider as the fulfillment of a sacred duty. I am gentlemen. 

Very respectfully yours, etc., 

M. ROMERO. 
Benjamin B. Snow and others. Committee. 

/A'//. Joint I fax. /'resident Lincoln's Secretary. 

\\ iSHINGTON, Nov. 10, 1888. 
Benjamin B. Snow, Esq., and others : 

(li vii 1 \n n : — I sincerely regret that it will not be possible for me to be present 
at the unveiling of the statue of Mr. Seward, at Auburn on the 15th. I should have 
been glad to bring my tribute of respect and veneration for one of the foremost patriots 

and statesmen in all our history. 'To ins unfaltering rage, clear and prophetic 

insight, and unsleeping vigilance it is due in a great measure, that we were enabled to 
light out our battle for national existem e, without the active interference of foreign 
power. In the darkest hours he never despaired of the republic. In the great con- 
flict, in the preparation for which his ardent eloquence had done so much to rouse the 
i onsi leiu e of his countrymen, his calm ami undaunted spirit looked always beyond the 
clouds and mists of temporary reverses to the sure sunshine of a righteous peace. He 
was Lincoln's most intimate and most trusted friend, and wisest counsellor ; and their 
names will shme together like twin stars in the heaven of fame. 

Yours respectfully, 

loll.N HAW 



SEWARD ST A THE. 53 



Hon. George F. Edmunds, U. S. Senator. 

Burling ton, Vt., Nov. 8, i 
Dear Sir : — I have received the kind invitation of your committee, to attend at 
the unveiling of the statue of the late William H. Seward, on the 15th inst. I sincerely 
regret that official engagements at Washington compel me to deny myself the pleasure 
of being present on the occasion. My admiration for Mr. Seward as a great man and 
a pure patriot has been unqualified since my very young days. And when in 1X66, I 
came to know him personally, my appreciation of him as a man, and as a kind friend, 
and as a statesman, increased with the continuance of our acquaintance I am glad 
that the citizens of Auburn have erected this statue, in his honor, and I hope it will 
stand in the presence of future generations, not only as a memorial to his worth and 
public services, but as an inspiration to the people to strive for the justice of equal 
laws and for the conservation of stable government. 

Very respectfully yours, 



GEORGE F. RDMUMIiS. 



Benjamin B. Snow, Esq., Auburn, N. V. 



Hon. S. S. Cox. M. C. 

New York City, Nov. 11, 18S8. 

Gentlemen of ihk Committee: — Your invitation to be present at the cere- 
monies attending the unveiling of the statue of William H. Seward, on the 15th inst. is 
received. It would give me pleasure to be present, were I not compelled by duties, to 
be elsewhere at the time fixed. 

In so far as it would be in my humble power to honor William H. Seward, I would 
be both pleased and proud to do so. My relations with him were all of a federal 
kind and grew out of our service in the United States congress together. But it was 
while he was secretary of state, during the war, that I learned to appreciate the incom- 
parable genius he displayed in the conduct of our complicated and menacing foreign 
relations during the darkest years of the republic. Serving then on the foreign affairs 
committee I was thrown into frequent intercourse with him : and enjoying his absolute 
confidence I had occarion to understand and appreciate the lofty and serene statesman- 
ship by which he foiled our enemies, and rescued our government from division and 
disaster. 

He deserves from Auburn, nay, from the whole country, monumental honors, as 
well as that higher testimonial to his patriotism, which the history of our country will 
not fail to bestow. With respect, 

S. S. COX. 

Messrs. Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee. 



54 UNI EIL ING SE R 1 7CES. 

Hon. Leonard Sivett, Lincoln's Partner. 

[22 Ashland Avi , ( hicago, Nov, ij. 
Mr. Benjamin B Snon\ and others of Committee : 

Gen i i i men : — Your invitation to be present at Auburn, at the ceremonies attend- 
ing the unveiling of the statue of Mr. William H. Seward, on the fifteenth instant, has 
been rei eived. I regret that professional engagements will prevent my participation in 
this pleasing duty. 

1 had the | f an intimate personal acquaintance with Mr. Seward, during 

the period in which he was secretary of state to Mr. Lincoln, and remember especially 
the intimate and friendly relations that existed between the two. 

Mr. Lincoln's relations to the other members of the cabinet in the main, were 
official, but between him and Mr. Seward there seemed to lie an intimacy and friendship 
based upon a personal liking of each other. They were alike and unlike just enough 
to have a sincere affection for one another, and whenever their duties permitted, they 
were fond of getting together, and spending a day in unbending genuine social life. 

1 or instance. 1 remember in the autumn of 1864, when the lines of care had begun 
to furrow themselves in Mr. Lincoln's face, a time was approaching in which he could 
take a whole day off and rest. 1 went to him and reminding him of the day and 

ssity for rest, said, "Where can you go and what can you do which will give you 
on that day, the most unbroken recreation." After a moment's reflection he replied, 
"Go to Marshall Lamon and get him and his carriage, a lunch and a rifle, and then 
get Mr Seward and we will go into the woods beyond the Soldier's Home and spend 

day there alone, talking and shooting with the rifle." 

We made the preparations and I went to Mr. Seward, saying that Mr. Lincoln had 
selei ted him as his companion for the day. 

We went together as far as we 1 ould into the forest, in the bright sunlight, 

"Where the sound of dropping nuts is heard, 
'1 ho' all the trees are still," 

and spent the day 111 pleasant conversation and shooting with the rifle. 

I also remember well, that Mr. Lincoln beat the whole party 111 shooting. 

I recall also an incident win. h once 01 curred subsequently in the state department, 
when Mr. Seward was sei retary of state, in Mr. Johnson's cabinet. 

1 was sitting there opposite him so that the gash of the assassin's knife was promi- 
nent before me. 1 said, "Mr. Seward. 1 do not wish to be impertinent, but 1 do want 
10 look critically at your throat." Lie immediately took off Ins cravat, unbuttoned his 
collar, and showed how the knife had pierced him. and how by a hair's breadth it 
missed the great artery of life. 



SE U 'A RD S TA TL E. 55 

As I sat down Mr. Seward said, "I have always felt that Providence dealt hardly 
with me in not letting me die with Mr. Lincoln. My work was done, and I think I 
deserved the reward of dying there. How much better to have died than to prolong 
my life, in the miserable business of patching up Johnson's cabinet." 

Mr. Seward was a great and good man, genial and pleasant in his friendships, and 
honorable and true in all public positions he held. 

Yours truly, 

LEONARD SWF. TT. 

Ouarter-Master Genera/ Meigs. 

Washington, D. C, Nov. 9, 1888. 
Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee: 

Gentlemen : — It is a regret to me that I shall not be able to attend the unveiling 
of the statue of Wra. H. Seward on the 15th of this month. 

Mr. Seward, a great statesman, a patriot, and for years a power in our country, who 
foresaw and designated the " irrepressible conflict " between freedom and slavery, long 
before it culminated in the struggles of an armed nation, was from the time I first met 
him, years before the rebellion, a most kind friend to me, and to him I rendered the 
homage of respectful admiration and friendship, due to his genius and to his private 
worth. 

His fame rests on sure grounds, in the written history of this country, and his 
fellow citizens of Auburn, his home, do themselves honor in erecting a monument to 
his memory. 

Such monuments appeal to the rising generations and lead them to reflect upon 
the toils, the sacrifices, the dangers through which liberty and justice are established in 
this country. 

With the hope that for centuries to come, no domestic discord will allow hostile 
hands to desecrate the monument you are about to dedicate, I subscribe myself your 
obedient and faithful friend and servant. 

M. C. MEIGS, 
Quartermaster General United States Army, Brevet Major-due rat. 

Major-General N. P. Banks, Ex-Speaker of Congress. 

Waltham, Mass., Nov. 12, 1888. 

My Dear Sir : — Please accept my sincere thanks for your invitation to attend the 

ceremony of unveiling Mr. Seward's statue at Auburn, the 15th inst. It is a grief that 

I am compelled to deny myself that privilege as engagements that cannot be deferred 

require my presence here. For many years I enjoyed the honor of Mr. Seward's 



56 UNVEILING SERVICES. 

acquaintance and learned as others did, to respect Ins just and generous character, his 
varied and profound attainments, his lasting attachment to personal friends and his 
patriotic regard for the interests of the country. But it was not until I was in some 
slight measure associated with him in the consideration of foreign altairs that I was able 
justly to appro iate the great qualities of lus ( har.c t( r. 

No citizen could be less considerate of private or personal interests, or more 
unreserved in devotion to the welfare of his country than Mr. Seward. He seemed 
absolutely devoid of the spirit of rivalry, and best pleased when by his own concessions 
he had harmonized the aspirations of others with the just and general interests of the 
country. In his last days, when racked by pain and enfeebled by incurable disease, he 
maintained the serenity of his character and gave toothers the consolations which an 
unclouded mind and great heart could command He was a worthy coadjutor of 
Abraham Lincoln and the cause and country for which Mr. Lincoln suffered and died. 

Respei tfully, 

X. P. HANKS. 
Admiral Porter. 

()ii iii of i he Admiral, ) 

Washington, D. ('., Nov. 10, 1888. \ 
(,i \ 1 u mi ■ x :— 1 have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation on 
behalf of the citizens of Auburn, to be present at the unveiling of the statue of 
William H. Seward, at Auburn, on the 15th of November. 

It would afford me much pleasure to be present at the ceremonies, if my health 
and duties will permit. 

Thanking you kindly for thinking of me on this occasion, I beg leave to remain. 

Very respectfully, 

DAVID 1). PORTER, Admiral. 
Messrs. Bknjamin B. Snow and others. Committee. 

/. C. Bancroft Davis, Late Ass/. Secretary of State. 

\\ ash inc ion, Nov. 8, 1 888, 
Messrs. /■' B. Sumo and others, etc : 

in xiii mi \ : — I regret extremely that inability to leave Washington on the 15th 
inst., will deprive me of the pleasure of witnessing the unveiling of the statue of the 
late Mr. Seward at Auburn, and of hearing the story of his noble life told in the 
eloquent language of his distinguished friend. Mr. Rvarts. 

1 count it among my cherished memories that I had the pleasure to know Mr. 
Seward well, and 1 thank the committee for remembering me on this occasion. 

1 am, gentlemen, your obedient servant, 

' I. C. BANCROFT DAVIS. 



SEWARD STA TUE. 57 

From the Hon. Charles Francis Adams. 

Boston, Nov. 8, iXSS. 
Benjamin B. Snow. Esq. and Others, Committee. Auburn. N. Y.: 

Gentlemen : — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation on behalf of 

the citizens of Auburn to attend the ceremonies at the unveiling of the statue of 
William H. Seward, on the 15th inst. 

While it would afford me the utmost pleasure in this or in any other way, to show 
the respect I bear to the memory of Mr. Seward, 1 regret to say that my engagements 
are of such a character that they will not permit my absence from here at the time 
named. Regretting extremely that this should be the case, 

I remain, etc., 

CHARLES F. ADAMS. 

Hon. Samuel Blatchford, Associate Justice U. S. Supreme Court. 

Washington, D. ('.. December 10, 1888. 
Messrs. B. B. Snow and others, Committee of t/ie Citizens of Auburn : 

Gentlemen : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your courteous 
invitation to myself and my family to be present at the ceremonies attending the 
unveiling of the statue of William H. Seward, at Auburn, on the 15th of November. 

It would give me unfeigned pleasure to be present at, and take part 111, these cere- 
monies, were it not for the necessity of my continued presence at Washington, in the 
discharge of my public duties as a member of the Supreme Court of the United States. 

I am rejoiced at this tribute of respect which the citizens of Auburn are paying to 
the memory of the great statesman who made that city his home from his early youth 
until his death. Associated with him as 1 was, from my appointment as his private 
secretary, on the 1st of January, 1839, at the time he assumed the office of Governor 
of the State of New York, on his first election to that position, becoming military 
secretary on his stall 111 September, 1841, and continuing in that relation until his 
second term of office as governor closed, on the 31st of December, 1842, my relations 
with him had become so close, that, in November, 1S45, I removed to Auburn, from the 
city of New York, and formed a co-partnership with him, and my excellent friend, the 
late Christopher Morgan, in the practice of the law. This relation continued until the 
fall of 1854, when 1 removed back to the city of New York, Governor Seward having 
been in the meantime elected United States Senator from the state of New York, and 
having taken his seat as such on the 4th day March, 1849. His public career from that 
time, for twelve years in the senate and for eight years as Secretary of State of tin- 
United States, is well known to all. 



58 I \YI HI LING SER I It US. 

It was my good fortune, as an inmate of his family for nearly three years, to enjoy 
the full benefit's which such an intimate association could confer. I saw daily his 
patient assiduity, his equanimity of temper, his varied resources, the versatility of his 
acquirements his fidelity in every relation, his wisdom and his practical talent, as a 
statesman, as a politician, as a lawyer, and as a man. In his daily intercourse with his 
fellow i itizens he was modest and humble, with a kind word for every one, a ready ear 
for all who came to ask his advice, and a liberal hand in bestowing aid, cheerfully, yel 
with discrimination. 

It is fitting that his fellow citizens, who knew him so well and appreciated him so 
thoroughly, should perpetuate his memory in the statue whose unveiling you celebrate. 
It has given me great pleasure to have been invited and permitted to contribute to the 
erection of this memorial. It is also eminently fitting that it should be erected, not 
only in the heart of the city whose prosperity was always dear to him, but in a site as 
near as possible to those walks ami abiding places which he most often frequented in 
his lifetime, and where his virtues and excellencies are perpetuated by those who bear 
his name. I am, with high respect. Your obedient servant, 

SAMUEL BLATCHFORD. 

Hon. George William Ctirtis. 

Wisi New Brighton, S. [., N. V., Now 8th, [888 
Dear Sir : — 1 am very much honored by your invitation to the ceremonies of 
unveiling the statue of Mr. Seward, and I regret sincerely that I am unable to accept it. 
In the National Republican Convention of i860, when the delegation from New 
York, of which I was one, had endeavored in vain to seiure the nomination of Mr 
Seward, I remember with what impressive pathos to which all our hearts responded, the 
chairman of the delegation, who is your orator of the day, Mr. Evarts, said in moving 
to make the nomination of Mr. Lincoln, unanimous, "Mr. Chairman, we came from a 
great state, bringing with us, as we believed, the name of a great statesman." It was 
very fortunate for the Republican party that it in its early days should have had in the 
senate a leader of so philosophii and optimistic a temperament as Mr. Sewartl. No 
political party, indeed, < ould have been more fortunate in its conspicuous chiefs, — Lin- 
coln, Seward, Chase and Sumner Every young Republican of that day. recalling the 
moral enthusiasm of the great controversy, now happily and forever closed, will rejoice 
in the permanent honors paid to a statesman who represents the convictions which have 
formed a more perfect union, established justice, secured domestic tranquillity, provided 
for the common defence, promoted the general welfare, and secured the blessing of 
libertv to ourselves and our posterity. 

Respei tfully yours, 

GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS. 



S£ 11 'A R D S TA TUE. 59 

Hon. Charles D evens, Ex-U. S. Attorney General. 

Bosi on, Nov. i 2. 1 888. 
Gi nii emen : — I am much obliged by the invitation of the citizens of Auburn to 
attend the dedication of the memorial statue to Mr. Seward. It would afford me much 
pleasure to unite with them in doing honor to the memory of this illustrious statesman 
and to listen with them to the eminent orator by whom the occasion will be fitly 
commemorated 

I regret that my judicial engagements in Massachusetts, render it impossible. 
No where was Mr. Seward more honored and loved than in this state, while his 
name is forever identified with the great conflict which redeemed a nation, and conse- 
crated it forever to freedom, and while his fame is part of the honor and glory of the 
whole country, it is eminently proper that such a memorial as that which you propose 
should stand in the city which was his home. 

You who were his neighbors and friends and who knew him in his daily walk and 
conversation, like him must soon pass away. But his memory should remain forever 
where he dwelt as an incitement to high thought, to faithful performance of duty, and 
to noble and exalted patriotism. I am, gentlemen, very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

CHARLES DEVENS. 
Benj \min 1'.. Snow and others, Committee on Invitations. 

Hon. W. A. Sackett. 

Saratoga Springs, Nov. ioth, 1888. 
Benjamin B. Snow. Esq.. and others, Com mi/tee. etc.: 

Gentlemen : — I have received your kind invitation in behalf of the citizens of 
Auburn to be present at the unveiling of the memorial statue of William H Seward, for 
which please accept my most sincere thanks. Unavoidable circumstances will prevent 
my attendance ; every feeling of my heart and all the memories of my earlier and 
middle manhood, will unite me in spirit with those who participate in the ceremonies of 
the occasion. A commemoration that well befits the memory of the great man, patriot 
and statesman, whose name it perpetuates. No name in American history is more 
worthy of monumental fame. His life filled the full measure of progress, truth, great- 
ness. History can not overstate the advantages of his career to his country and to 
mankind. 

Mr. Seward in his earlier years, as governor, senator, secretary of state, was always 
my most esteemed friend and political guide. These memorial services carry me back 
through a most eventful period in our country's history, in peace and in war, for more 



60 C 'XI '/■//. fNG SER I VC ES. 

than fifty years ; take me bai k again to the early days of slavery agitation, to the time 
when the chains of bondage fell from more than five millions of our fellow men. 

Mr, Seward's life was no full of earnest, determined effort in behalf of humanity 
and the rights of man, that it is useless to attempt to enumerate The pages of history 
will do him justice. He will live in monuments, m fame, and in the hearts of his 
countrymen, to the latest ages. His memory will be the memory of the great and 
glorious events of his country, in the times in which he lived. 

1 wish 1 could be with you ami take part in the honors to his name 1 semi my 
heart, mv memories and mv most profound regards. 

W, A. SACKETT. 

Ho, i. Alexander H. Rice, M. C. 

Bos-i o N , Mas-,. Nov, 8th [888. 

Gentlemen : — 1 feel greatly honored by your invitation to attend the ceremonies 
at the unveiling of the statue at Auburn, of your late illustrious fellow citizen, the 
Hon. William H. Seward, whose friendship it was my privilege to enjoy, and whose 
memory 1 cherish with affei donate veneration. 

It it were possible lor me to be present on the occasion referred to, it would give 
me pleasure to accept _\our imitation ; but I have engagements elsewhere which forbid. 
I am, gentlemen, Yours very truly, 

ALEX VNM'.k H KICK. 

Messrs. Hi NJ wiin B. Snow and others. Committee. 

Rev. Father Mulheron. 

\i in K'N, N V , Nov. s, [888 
Messrs, Benjamin B. Snow, Clinton P. MacDougall, and others in Committee : 

Gentlemen : — It is with regret that I must fail to respond in person to your kind 
invitation to be present at the unveiling of the Seward monument, on the 15th inst. 

I must necessarily be out ol town on that day, and could it be otherwise 1 would 
gladly be present as a mark of respect to the honored statesman, both as a personal 
admirer and as one of a (lass who owe such men a grateful remembram e 

( lur < oiintrv has been prolific in great men, but there are few the peers of William 
H. Seward, who to i;reat intellectual powers added a largeness of heart and a magna- 
nimity of soul which lifted him high above tin- narrowness of party spirit, and the 
bigotrj of sectarian prejudices. He was a great man in the true sense of the word, 
and in honoring his memory beside- honoring itself, our town deserves the gratitude of 
the nation. Yours ver) sim erely, 

W MULHERON. 



SEWARD STA THE. 61 

Hon. John D. Lawson. 

ii Fifth Ave., New York, Nov. 8, r888. 

Mr* Benjamin B. Snow, and othei i 

Gentlemen : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the invitation of 

the citizens of Auburn to be present at the ceremonies attending the unveiling of a 

statue of William H Seward, on the 15th inst.; but will be unable to do so. I regret 

this the more as my first vote was cast for him in 1839, and during the sua ceding years 

of his life I entertained for him the highest respect and admiration, and made him my 

political mentor. 

Yours very respectfully,. 

JOHN D. LAWSON. 
Hon. Hamilton Fish, Ex-Secretary oj State. 

251 Easi 171H ST., New York. 
Gentlemen : — It is with much regret that I am compelled to decline the invitation 
to attend the unveiling of the statue of Governor Seward, on the 15th inst. The 
condition of my health prevents m\ personal presence on this interesting occasion, but 
I shall be with you in spirit, and in the desire of doing all honor to the memory of one 
of New York's greatest and most distinguished citizens. 

With great respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

HAMILTON FISH. 
Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee. • 

Hon. Andrew Shuman, Ex-Lieutenant Governor, Illinois. 

Mr. Benjamin B. Sn07t> : 

Dear Sir : — I have received the invitation of your committe, to be present at the 
ceremonies attending the unveiling of the statue of William H. Seward, and much 
regret that it will not be possible for me to accept. 

I have a very pleasant remembrance of the Hon. William H. Seward as I knew 
him in my boyhood, and have a profound veneration for him and his public career in 
subsequent years. He was the astute Gamaliel at whose feet I bowed while he was 
living, and I shall honor his memory as long as I live. I heartily wish that 1 could 
with others of his surviving friends and admirers, testify to my respect by being present 
at the ceremonies to which you invite me, and I regret that I cannot do so. 

Respectfully yours, 

ANDREW SHUMAN. 



62 UNVEILING SERVICES. 

Hon. Levi P. Morton. / 'ice-President Licet. 

85 Fn in Aveni E, New Vdrk, Nov. 14, 1888. 
Dear Sir : — I regret to find that pressing engagements will render it impossible 
for me to be present at the ceremonies connected with the unveiling of the statue 
intended to commemorate the noble life of William H Seward. It is a disappointment 
that I am unable to join you in these ceremonies, for my whole heart is with you in the 
tribute the nation owes to the sound judgment, sterling ability and lofty patriotism of 
this son of New York. 

You will have with you, however, at your gathering tomorrow, orators who will 
the services of inestimable value which he rendered to the nation, as the right 
arm of Abraham Lincoln in the "irrepressible conflict." Together they stood at the 
helm of the nation through its bitterest storm, together they were struck down by the 
assassin's blow, and together they will live in the hearts of their countrymen as the 
foremost patriots of all time. With renewed regrets, believe me 

Yery faithfully yours, 

LEVI V. MORTON. 
Messrs. B. II. Snow and others. Committee. 

Hon. M. 11 \ Fuller, Chief Justice U. S. Supreme Court. 

Washington, Now 13, 1888. 
I>i ak Sirs ; — I sincerely regret that official duties here render it impossible for me 
:.c ,ic c ept your courteous invitation to be present at the unveiling of a statue of that 
eminent statesman, your beloved townsman, William H. Seward, to appreciation of 
whose great and instructive career. I would otherwise have been glad to testify by 
personal attendance on this interesting occasion 

Yery truly yours, 

M. W. FULLER. 
Messrs Snow, Dwight, Mac Dougall, Teller, Robinson, Underwood, and 
OsiiORNE, < Committee. 

J I o)i. Joint A. King. 

Washington, Nov. 14, 1NS8. 
.!/• tsrs. Snow. Dwi \1 ' Committee, etc.: 

Dl ci Sirs: -It is with great regret that engagement in this city, will deprive me 
of the pleasure to which you have so kindly invited me. It would have been with 
unfeigned satisfaction, agreeable to me to have assisted at the ceremonies attending the 
unveiling of a statue of William H. Seward: of one whose memory is dear to even- 
true lover of Ins country, and of the great principles of human freedom. 



SEWARD STATUE. 63 

Truly have the citizens of Auburn honored themselves in placing so euduringly 
and in the view of all who may henceforth visit their beautiful city, the features and 
figure of the illustrious statesman, whose imprint has been made so deeply in the annals 
of our state and nation, that no time can efface. 

Trusting that the occasion may in every way be full of happiness as it is most 
fitting, I have the honor to be with the highest respect. 

Yours, etc., 

JOHN A. KING 

Hon. Samuel F. Miller. Associate Justice U. S. Supreme Court. 

Supreme Court of the United States, ) 
Washington Nov. 12, 1888. \ 

Mr. Benjamin B. Snow and others, Commitle, iSrv.: 

Please accept my thanks for the invitation to be present at the unveiling of the 
statue of William H. Seward by the citizens of Auburn. 

It would give me no ordinary pleasure to be present on that occasion. Mr. Seward 
was no ordinary man, and it was my pleasure to be personally on intimate terms of 
friendship with him during the period of his long services as Secretary of State. 

And while 1 have now been over a quarter of a century in the public service in a 
position that has enabled me to become well acquainted with nearly all the public men 
of the United States, few, indeed, have impressed me as he has done. 

If he had no other claim on his country's gratitude than his services in the depart- 
ment of State, which is by no means all, it would be difficult to fix too high a value on 
them. But the duties of the court to which I belong forbid my presence, and thanking 
you for your courtesy, I am. Your obedient servant, 

SAM F. MILLER. 

Hon. John G. Nicolay, Private Secretary of President Lincoln. 

Washington, D. C, Nov. 13, 1888. 
My Dear Sir : — I thank you and your committee for the invitation to be present 
at the ceremonies attending the unveiling of a statue of William H. Seward at Auburn, 
New York, on the 15th instant. 

I had hoped to be able to go, but now find that work which I cannot postpone will 
prevent my doing so. Though absent, I join you heartily in honoring the memory of 
the great statesman whose patriotism and eminent public service it was my good fortune 
to witness, and the recollection of whose personal friendship 1 gratefully cherish. 

Your obedient servant, 

JNO. G. NICOLAY. 
Benjamin B. Snow, Esq., and Committee. 



64 UNVEILING SERVICES. 

Judge IV. J I. Robertson. 

Katonah, November 13, [888. 

Gentlemen :— 1 regret my inability to be present at the unveiling of a statue of 
William H. Seward, at Auburn, on the 15th inst., to which I have your kind invitation, 
and for which please accept my thanks. 

I was an ardent admirer of Governor Seward from my boyhood till his death. 
Pwice 1 voted for him for U. S. Senator ; and the remembrance of those votes is even 
now a source of pleasure and pride ; only one other member of the legislature voted 
for him at both elections. 

What he did in the cause of freedom ; what he did for the preservation of the 
Union : and what he did for the public good in other respects, have erected in the 
hearts of the people, an enduring monument to his memory as a citizen, and to his fame 
as a statesman. Regretting tli.it 1 am unable to be with you at the unveiling, I am 

Yours trulv. 

W. H. ROBERTSl >N. 

Messrs B) \i. B. Snow and others. Committee. 

Hon. Cornelius N. Bliss. 

New York, November 1 -\ 1888. 
B. B. Snow ana others, Committee. Auburn, N V 

Gentlemen:- I am in rei eipt of your invitation to attend the ceremonies incident 
to the unveiling of a statue of William H. Seward, on the 15th inst. 

1 regret that engagements of long standing for this week, make it impossible for 
me to join with you on 'Thursday, in reviving the memories of this great patriot and 
statesman. 

To men of middle age, no memorial is needed to recall Mr. Seward's supreme 
devotion to his country during the political contest, which culminated in the rebellion 
of 1861 to 1865; but it is peculiarly fitting that memorials should be erected by the 
generation that knew him, that the young of this and future generations, as they look 
upon the marble or bronze presentment, may be led to study his life, and to learn from 
his great example, lessons ol ol devotion to duty, and lofty patriotism. 

Yours trulv, 

CORNELH S N. BLISS. 

Hon. A. D. F. Randolph. 

\i w York, November 13, [888. 
To Beiij B. Snow, inton MaePou^ >s, Committee: 

Di M< mrs: — 1 have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation to 
meet the citizens of Auburn at the ceremonies attending the unveiling of a statue of 
William II. Seward, on Thursday next, and very much regret my inability to be present 
on that 0C( asn >n. 



SEWARD STATUE. 65 

Permit me to say that half a century ago, and before I had attained my majority, 
that I was a "young Whig" under the leadership of the "young Governor." Later 
on, as a private citizen, I followed him through the varying fortunes of the Whig party 
into the Republican organization and the "Irrepressible Conflict " and all else that fol- 
lowed. It was the lead of one who had the courage of his convictions, combined with 
those rarer qualities of self-poise and wise patience, that enabled him to go forward or 
calmly wait, with no'relaxing effort or abatement of determination to ultimately reach 
a successful conclusion. 

The true political history of .Mr. Seward's own time is vet to be written. The 
hour for such a record has not yet arrived ; some of the old passions, some of the 
narrow judgments still remain. But that ultimate history will record the story of a life 
of unflagging devotion to a just cause under circumstances without a parallel in the 
history of American statesmanship. To him it was given to pre-eminently bear for long 
years, not only the contumely and scorn of the South, but also the bitter opposition of 
the long dominant political party of the North, and when finally the Great Conflict 
arose, to find within a brief period, and in the darkest days of the Republic, that some 
of his bitterest foes were within the lines of his own victorious party, and vet the future 
historian will record that from the beginning of the civil war, as before, and on to the 
close of President Johnson's administration, though opposed, maligned, misrepre- 
sented and misunderstood, not only at the South, but also by many at the North, there 
can be found no trace of failure in duty, no loss of high and steadfast devotion, no 
effort at self-vindication, no spirit of retaliation, but only an ever present and supreme 
determination to secure for an oppressed class, the inalienable rights of man, and to 
keep inviolate the Union of the states. 

And this he saw accomplished ; for his was a statesmanship based on broad and 
enduring principles, and not on the passions' shifting policies of the hour. 

The city of Auburn does well in this new honor to his memory. It is an addi- 
tional proof that where he was best known there he was best loved. I am 

\ i mrs faithfully, 

A. D. F. RANDOLPH. 

Hon. Johns ton Livingston. 

145 Broadway, New York City, November 13, 18S8. 
Benjamin B. Snow, Esq., <i//,i others of the Committee of the Citizens of Auburn : 

Gentlemen : — I am in receipt of your kind invitation to be present at the unveil- 
ing of the Statue of William H. Seward, and regret that I cannot avail myself of it, and 
be present, and do my mite in honor of the grandest character our state has produced. 
The nation as well as our state are proud of him — and future generations of Americans 
will continue to admire and honor him. With kind regards, 

Yours truly, 

[OHNSTOX LIVINGSTON. 



i ; i : UNI /■://. /.\'( ; SER / 'It ES. 

Hon. S. Edwin Day. 

Moravia, N. V"., November 14. [888. 

Gk.X'J lemkx : — That I cannot be present at the exen ises attendant on the unveiling 
of the statue of the late secretary Seward, pursuant to your kind invitation, is a source 
of deep regret to me, inasmuch as the occasion will not only be one of present enjoy- 
ment, but of pleasant recollection in the years to come. 

It is indeed meet that the virtues, valor, ability, services and sufferings of him who 
was easily first among our citizens, who was for many years in the foremost rank of 
leaders in the councils of the state and nation, and whose fame was a- wide as the 
world, should be recognized and honored by a commemorative work of art standing 
and to stand at Auburn, his home, which he loved so well. 

Chief among those virtues was his adherence to duty, and whether engaged 111 the 
defense of a friendless and unfortunate dement in a criminal court or 111 the difficult 
and deli' ate duty of managing and guiding the ship of state in the dark days and storm 
of war, he was always true to his trusts, and he well earned his epitaph "He was 

faithful." Very Respectfully, 

S. EDWIN DAY, 
To Ben 1 wiin li. Snow, and others, Committee. 

I Ion. Russell Sage. 

506 Fifth Ave, New Yolk, November 13, 1888. 
lie n fa 111 in B Snow, Theodore Divight, F.sqs., and others, Committee, Auburn, A. }'. 

Genti i.mkn : — I have delayed acknowledging the receipt of your invitation to be 
present at the < eremonies attending the unveiling of the Statue of William II. Seward 
on the 15th inst., hoping to be able to be present and thus manifest the love, friendship 
and confidence I entertained for the great Statesman while living — and no less cherished 
now that he is dead — but 1 have important engagements on the 15th instant that will 
prevent my being with you. 

Tlie citizens of Auburn are to be congratulated for erecting a monument to the 
memory of one of the most foremost Statesmen of his age, and to one whose unsur- 
passed effort m the cause of human liberty has not been in our Public Councils since 
nor before he left them. It was my good fortune to know Mr. Seward during the last 
twenty years of his life, and to be associated with him in the Councils of our common 
country, and to know of his untiring labors in battling (or the right and for conciliating 
the distrust and dissenting semiments that prevailed from 1850 until the 1 lose of the 
1 ivil war m 1 865. 

It fell to my lot to be summoned to meet Mr. Seward in the month of June 1849, 
after the adjournment of a special session of the United States Senate, and to learn of 



Lot'C. 



a 



SEWARD ST A TUE. 67 

the distrust, envy and malignity that prevailed with leading Whigs at the south to destroy 
Senator Seward's influence with Taylor's administration. This was aided by what was 
termed the "Silver Gray" element of the Whig party in the Middle States, and it 
required the greatest patience, patriotism and ability to overcome this feeling. But ( \< >v. 
Seward possessed the vigor of intellect and the power of patience to dispel the slanders 
and the envy of the unheard of political intrigue that attempted to destroy his influence 
and usefulness for the cause of human liberty. It was from this period to the close of 
the civil war that he was strengthened in his unequalled efforts in the Senate in pleading 
for the oppressed, and holding aloft the true standard that should draw around him the 
party that sustained him until the conflict was over; and, as time rolls on, the feeling 
of gratitude, such as you evince today, in your efforts in commemorating the memory of 
him, will be increased when the centuries roll around, and his name will be cherished 
amongst the greatest defenders of human liberty that lived in the nineteenth century. 
Hut I must stop or I fear I shall be drawn into a discussion beyond the limits allowed 
to the acknowledgment of your courteous invitation, and I, therefore, subscribe mvself 
to be Your obedient servant, 

RUSSELL SAGE. 

Hon. R. S. Chilton. 

United States Consulate, Goderich, Ont., November 12, 18SS. 
To Benjamin B. Snow, Clinton D. MacDougall, &c, Committee. Auburn, X. Y. 

Gentlemen : — I regret exceedingly that I am unable to accept the invitation with 
which you have honored me to be present at the ceremonies attending the unveiling of 
a statue of William H. Seward. It is fitting that he be thus honored. Although the 
contemporary of many public men now living, it is not without an effort that we disso- 
ciate him from those statesmen of an earlier day who framed the republic, which he, 
conjointly with our martyr-President, did so much to save. The lofty patriotism, the 
heroic courage in the discharge of public duty, which distinguished them, was not less 
conspicuous in him whose statue you will unveil on Thursday next. 

I am, Gentlemen, Your obedient servant, 

R. S. CHILTON, U. S. Consul. 

General Alexander S. Webb. 

The College of the City ok New York, 
President's On ilk. New York, November 7, 1888. 
General Alexander S. Webb. IT. I).. President of the College of the City of New 
York, will gladly represent his college at the unveiling of the statue to William H. 
Seward. 

Public education owes more to William H. Seward, than to any other honored 
citizen of New York. 



68 UNI 7://, AW ; SE A' I Vi ES. 

//i>i/. Sayles J. Bowcn, Ex-Mayor oj Washington. 

Washington, I'. C, November, 13, 1888. 

Gentlemen : — I received last evening, your kind invitation to be present on the 
15th instant, at the unveiling of the statue, erected to commemorate the name of William 
H. Seward. 

While it would be a gratification to me to a< cept the invitation, and join with the 
citizens of my native county in tiie ceremonies of the day, 1 find it impossible to leave 
the city and be absent at the time designated. 

I knew Mr. Seward from my earliest youth. During his periods of service in the 
United States Senate, and in the Cabinets of the lamented Lincoln, and of Andrew 
Johnson, I resided in this citv and was cognizant of the many important patriotic acts 
he performed in the interest and for the benefit of the whole nation. To his sagai itv. 
wise counsel and disinterested patriotism may justly lie attributed the fa< t, that, during 
the darkest davs of the war of the rebellion, we were not involved in an open war with 
Great Britian, and had the sympathy, aid and good will of Russia withdrawn from us. 

But .even to refer to his many acts of statesmanship, during his long and useful 
public life would extend this letter beyond a proper length. The history of William H. 
Seward is written in the hearts of the American people 

His name will be cherished so long as the American Government survives, or a 
lover of human liberty ami human rights exists. 

Thanking you kindly for your invitation, and regretting my inability to be present 
with you on the interesting occasion, I am, Gentlemen, most respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

SAYLES J. BOWEN 

To Hon Committee of Arrangements, \r 



Hon. . \bram II akcmai 



Gentlemen : — Many thanks for your kind invitation to attend the ceremonies of 
the unveiling of a statue of William H. Seward at Auburn on the 15th instant. 

I deeph regret that previous engagement-, of an imperative character will prevent 
my acceptani e 

Although absent, m\ heart will respond in deep sympathy with all that may be 
said or done to honor New York's greatest and noblest son. With great respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

ABRAM WAKEMAN. 
To Benjamin 1!. Snow, Esq., and others, the Committe. 



SEWARD S TA TUB. 69 

Hon. Robert C. Winthrop. 

Boston, Mass., 90 Marlborough Street, November 13, 1S88. 
Gentlemen : — Absence from home has prevented an earlier acknowledgment of 
your obliging invitation. I had many pleasant associations with your illustrious fellow 
citizen, Mr. Seward, and should most gladly have listened to the oration of Senator 
Evarts on the unveiling of the Memorial Statue. But I am compelled to deny myself, 
and can only offer you my sincere thanks. 

Yours, respectfully and truly, 

ROBERT C. WINTHROP. 
Hon. B. B. Snow and others, Committee cf Citizens of Auburn. 

Hon. Marvelle 11. Cooper. 

The Union League Club, New York, November 10, 1888. 
Gentlemen : — I have the honor to receive your invitation to be present at the 
ceremonies attending the unveiling of the statue of William II. Seward at Auburn on 
the fifteenth instant, and I beg leave to express my sincere regret that prior engage- 
ments will prevent me from availing myself of the opportunity which this occasion offers 
of testifying my high regard for the foremost man that New York gave to promote the 
immortal mission of Abraham Lincoln. 

Very Respectfully yours. 

MARVELLE W.COOPER. 
To Benjamin B. Snow and others, Committee. 

General Schuyler Hamilton. 

Park Ave. Hotel, New York City, November 13, i8S8. 
Benjamin />'. Snow, and others, Committee. 

Gentlemen : — Your kind invitation to be present at the unveiling of the statue of 
William H. Seward at Auburn Nov. 15th is this moment received. Full of admiration 
and esteem for his character and indebted to him for much personal kindness, I regret 
that circumstances beyond my control prevent my being present at so interesting a 
ceremony. Yours very truly, 

SCHUYLER HAMILTON. 



SUBSCRIBERS TO STATUE FUND. 



Morg \n. Hi nry A. 
Blati hford, Samuel 
Bi lr i>si i \ , Mb lson 
Wheeler, Cv ren us, lr. 
AvEm , Edward H. 
Allen, ( rOR i'on W. 
Barbe r, George 

BAkKI R, ( rKISW OLD & Co., 

Justin L Barker, 
Frank H. Ghiswold, 
Charles P. Mosher. 

Clapp, Emerous I). 
George, Casey 
Hue. h ni, William E. 
Howi and, Horai i V. 

Kn -\I'R, ]<>H\ N. 

1,1 wis, Ori A MX I 



A MDI RSi IN, JoSf I'M C. 

Allen, Fredi ri< k I. 
Allen, Frederick 

Al 1 EN, M ISS Kl IZAB] I'll 

Alii x, M iss Susan 
Austin, 1 )ewi i r F. 
Austin, Mor i imer V. 
Bl El 111 k. Wn lis J. 
Bi rtis, C \l\ S 
Bl B I IS, EDW in ( '. 
Bradley M rs.J am 1, 

Bl IYD, A R I 111 k A. 

Bulkley, Mrs. H \ i lie 
Ball. Leveritt 



Lauri i , Samui i 
Merritt, Charles I,. 
\v> , George H. 
< Isborxe, Thomas M. 
Parki k, l-.nw \ r ii 1). 
Pomeroi , Thei idore M. 
P u m , Sir i- .mi E. 
Storke, II. I. \ i rf.ns 
Si ymour, I ami s, J r. 
Stevb ns, Abram W. 
Smith, Charles Augustus 
Smith, I >i vi i r A. 
Sartwe i.l, M rs Am vrili \ B. 
Pallman John K. 
Woodrui f, E. 1 >i i i \ \N 
W n i \kn. Mrs. J axe F. 



Bodley, Caleb ( '. 

Ba kkr, M rs. ( 'll \ RLES 
Mali r, Gus'i \\ i S. 
B \rri i i , Miss J i \mk Lou 
Br a in a rd, John M. 

Ill VRDSI 1 V, Will [AM P. 
l!l VRDSI FA . Al.ONZO ( r. 
( ' i> ik, Hora< I T. 
C VSE, Till l IDORB 1'. 
( ' \RP1 Nil K, I .LAY IS E. 
C'OSGRO\ 1 , Wll I [AM 
\ \ I . E B U RN H . 

Cheesman, William S. 
Ci \R\, [ohn S. 



SEWARD STATUE. 



71 



Carson, James T. 
Choatk, John 
Cronk, Reuben 
Clark, Abel H. 
Crane, Wellsi y W. 
Dunning, I )avid M. 
Dimon, Theodore 
Drummond, Richard C. S. 
Drummond, Nelson L. 
Drummond, Alexander M. 
Delanev, Charles 
Eggleston, Jesse S. 
Eldred, Nelson B. 
Fay, Edwin R. 
Fay, Fred H. 
Fay, Charles R. 
Gale, James M. 
Gates, Mrs. Jessie Knapp 
Hunt, Wallace M. 
Hemenway, Charles C. 
Harrington, Martin 
Hunt, Miss Sarah A. 
Hall, Benjamin F. 
Hosmer, William 
Harbottle, Mrs. Sarah 
Hubbard, William H. 
Halm \ , \\ ili.iam A. 
Hollister, Wadsworth 
Huntington, Ezra A. 
Howard, Miss Sophia E. 
Hoyt, Harry B. 
Hotchkiss, Mrs. Caroline B. 
Hickey, Mrs. Am vnda S. 
Hills, Harold E. 



Hamilton, James 
Iyes, Benoni I. 
Jeffreys, Charles V. 
Ken 1 , ( Iei irge R. 

KlRBY, WlI.I 1AM A. 

Knapp, J ames ('<. 
Kennedy, Martin H. 
Kirkpatrick, George W. 
Knapp, Grayson (1. 
Knapp, I'm k & Thomson, 

O. F. Knapp. G. R. Peck 

H .1 Knapp, H. D. Peck. 

E. H. Thomson. 

Lyon, Elliott & Bli h im, 

Lewis E. Lyon, 
George W. Elliott, 
Richard H. Bloom. 

Loyal Temperance Legion', 
Law i on, Albert W. 

LONGSTREET, GEORGE B. 

Loughborough. N. Barton 
Lyon. Mrs. Lewis E. 
Lockwood, Homer N. 
Lamey, William 
Lee, Frederick H. 
Meaker, William H. 
Miller, Hiram K. 
Mead, J. Warren 
McCrea, Alexander 
MacDouoall, Clinton D. 
Mulheron, Father William 
Martin, Mrs, Cornelia W. 
McKain, Allen 
Mullen, Patrick 
Miller, Alexander C. 
Moses, William J. 



72 UNVEILING SERVICE. 

Manro, Thomas J. Snow, Benjamin 1'.. 

Nichols, Mrs. S.^rah C. Smith, Byron C. 

Nichols, Charles B. Si me, [esse 

Newton, Edwin S. Standart, Charles 

Nelson, Robert A. Smith, Charles A. 

Osborne, John H. Teller, John D. 

O'Neil, Adam, Terrill, Mrs. Sophronia J. 

Olmsted, Morris M. TenEyck, George H. 

< I'Brii \, J.min W. Tin 5, Miss M vry M. 

< >'Fi vherty, Thomas Tai i man, Ski. ah C. 
Parmele, Edwin IS. Townsend, Edward H. 
Pi rry, Mrs. J vne A. Tripp, George VV. 

I'ii k, George R. Turner, George I!. 

Peet, Frederick T. Titus, Henry D. 

Paddock, Lewis Ti i m i, Bradley A. 

Rii i . John W. Trai y, Calvin 

Richardson, George \V. Underwood, George 

Richardson, Frank W. VaxOmmen, Miss Lottii E. 

Reed, Silas W. Wilcox, Benjamin M. 

Risley, Hanson A. Wait, Horaci R. 

Rich, Adelbert P. Wright, Frank 1'. 

Storke, Jay E. Woodruff, Pail C 

Sibus, Ferdinand Walley, Martin I,. 

Sagar, Charles H. Winters, John P. 

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